Nov 27, 2022
An Indian guru and his disciples lived for eleven years in a hotel complex near Lake Lucerne. Then they hastily departed
Tokyo court disposed of records linked to AUM cult dissolution order
TOKYO (Kyodo) -- The Tokyo District Court has disposed of records related to a 1995 request for an order to dissolve AUM Shinrikyo after the cult committed a series of crimes, including a deadly sarin gas attack on the Tokyo subway system, an official said.
As one of the few cases in Japan in which the court issued a dissolution order under the Religious Corporations Law, the disclosure is likely to boost calls for the proper preservation of official records.
According to the court official, records pertaining to AUM Shinrikyo's dissolution order request, including the original copy of the decision made in favor, were destroyed on March 8, 2006.
The dissolution order request was filed in June 1995 by the governor of Tokyo and the chief prosecutor of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office.
In October that year, the district court ordered the cult to disband, and the Supreme Court later finalized the ruling.
Separately, it was recently discovered that a number of family courts had discarded valuable materials related to juvenile cases.
The Supreme Court's regulations state that while records on incidents involving minors should be preserved until the individual reaches age 26, documents of historical value must be kept beyond the limit and in perpetuity under special preservation provisions.
Records of AUM Shinrikyo's bankruptcy and criminal cases are subject to special preservation. After 13 senior members of the cult were executed in 2018, then-Justice Minister Yoko Kamikawa ordered that trial records regarding the cases be kept indefinitely.
The disclosure about the disposal came as the Unification Church has come under renewed scrutiny since former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe was killed in July by a gunman, said to have harbored a grudge against the group due to his mother's massive donations and believed Abe had connections with it.
The Japanese government has been investigating the church, regarded by some critics as a cult, to possibly ask a court to consider depriving the group of its status as a religious corporation with tax benefits.
Earlier this week, the Cultural Affairs Agency sent its inquiries to the church in what was the first case of the "right to question" being exercised under the religious law.
https://mainichi.jp/english/articles/20221124/p2g/00m/0na/073000c
Is pushing for change within the LDS Church a 'tactic of Satan'? A top leader thinks so.
Peggy Fletcher Stack
Salt Lake Tribune
November 24, 2022
To some, the support of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints for a federal measure that would codify same-sex marriage seemed to come out of nowhere.
Sure, it would preserve the rights of religious groups to privately oppose such unions, but the move still seemed to reverse the Utah-based faith’s earlier stance that allowing LGBTQ couples to marry was, well, an affront to God. Or that it could destroy heterosexual families or even the fabric of society.
So how does a deeply conservative church change its mind? Must it come from a pope or a prophet? Or can members do the swaying? And did that happen here?
From its 19th-century beginnings, Mormonism has made big and small shifts — from abandoning polygamy, ending a priesthood/temple prohibition facing Black members and reversing a controversial LGBTQ policy to allowing women to serve as witnesses in temples and at baptisms.
It is, after all, a church that preaches “continuing revelation,” which is typically interpreted to mean a message from deity to the church’s “prophet, seer and revelator.”
Some argue that none of those changes would have been possible without gentle (and sometimes not so gentle) prodding from believing members.
Recently, however, one church leader declared that such internal pushes are a problem — “a tactic of Satan…to blind and mislead the young.”
When activism or advocacy “is directed at the kingdom of God on earth or its leaders, especially prophets and apostles, it is the wrong tool for the wrong job in the wrong place,” Ahmad Corbitt told a group of Latter-day Saint chaplains last month. “Why? Because it effectively but subtly undermines the doctrine of Christ, which is God’s plan for changing, saving and exalting his children.”
In his speech, “Activism vs. Discipleship: Protecting the Valiant,” Corbitt, first counselor in the church’s Young Men general presidency, warned that any “activism toward the church” that could weaken confidence in church leaders “is obviously not of God.”
Corbitt warns that members' activism against church leaders and policies can be “a tactic of Satan…to blind and mislead the young.”
Some activist causes are “important or good or often pursued in good faith,” said the Black Latter-day Saint leader. “I tend to agree with many of [their] underlying causes. …A light bulb must be changed to avoid darkness and restore light. My simple point is a hammer is not the right tool for that job.”
In other words, believing members should sustain the status quo and wait for the prophet to “change the light bulb.”
To Darius Gray, a longtime Black Latter-day Saint and self-described activist, that approach could mean living in the dark for a lot longer.
Igniting volcanic change on race
Activism among members that addresses social, cultural and doctrinal matters can be “genuine discipleship,” Gray says, following Jesus’ example.
As that kind of disciple, Gray was one of three male converts who worked to reactivate and support disaffected members of African descent in the 1960s before the priesthood/temple ban was lifted, he recalls. Initially their efforts were seen by some as “potentially disruptive and a topic best left alone.”
Still, they persisted, and their entreaties to headquarters paid off. “What followed was the creation of the church’s Genesis Group, which continues 51 years later with the same charge,” he says. “As we wait upon the Lord, we are to remain busy.”
While researching the collected 19th-century minutes of the church’s governing First Presidency, Gray noted “the sheer lack of official inquiry concerning the Black priesthood restriction was astonishing.”
Fortunately, “one soul became a most profitable servant, dedicated to activism and to faith, by thoroughly researching the history of that internationally defining topic,” Gray says. “His name was Spencer W. Kimball.”
Without Genesis, an exhaustive historical examination by Lester Bush in Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought and countless other leaders and members praying and asking for change, Gray says, Kimball, the church’s 12th president, might not have been open to erasing the ban, through what has been termed a revelation, in 1978.
What about today’s racism?
James C. Jones, a Black Latter-day Saint who is studying at Union Theological Seminary in New York, concedes that activism toward the church “can be employed in problematic ways to problematic ends.”
But believing that it is “always a tool of the adversary that undermines the doctrine of Christ is flawed,” says Jones, who has written a video course for members on abandoning attitudes and actions of prejudice. That assumes that such activism “cannot be Christ-centered or Christ-inspired.”
Latter-day Saints covenant to “stand as witnesses of God at all times and in all things and in all places,” he says, “which of necessity means we stand against any actions or policies that denigrate the [image of God] in any of God’s children.”
If church leaders are engaging in problematic behavior, Jones asks, “then what are members supposed to do exactly?”
Unqualified faith in the brethren, he says, “is not actually a gospel principle.” Is losing faith in them the same as “losing faith in Christ? Is condemning functionally queerphobic policies causing more faith crises than the queerphobic policies themselves?”
In his speech, Corbitt proposes talking to local lay leaders and then letting them send the message up the hierarchical ladder, Jones says. “When it comes to fighting injustices on an institutional level, it is very difficult, if not impossible, to be able to successfully address injustices within the parameters of the same institution that put the injustices in place. No advancement of Black people in America, for example, came by way of just doing what white people told us to do.”
While the church has said more about race in the past five years than in the decades before, denounced prejudice, collaborated with the NAACP and acknowledged the contributions of Black pioneers, he says, “the church has yet to implement any protracted policy, strategy or curriculum that helps members unlearn and fight racism.”
Dynamic tension
The church is both hierarchical and democratic at once, according to historian W. Paul Reeve, who teaches Mormon studies at the University of Utah.There is “dynamic tension between those two forces,” Reeve says. “Corbitt emphasized the hierarchy over the bottom-up approach, but, historically, many accepted changes came from members with no leadership position.”
The historian points to the creation of the children’s Primary as having sprung up from individuals as well as the weekly Sunday school.
“There is space within the faith for the democratic impulses to make their way up the line,” he says, “but [there are] also boundaries that the hierarchy has established that can find someone getting excommunicated from the faith if they are seen as crossing that line.”
Consistent and public protest, he says, “can also get you in trouble,” pointing to Ordain Women co-founder Kate Kelly, who was excommunicated in 2014 for “conduct contrary to the laws and order of the church.”
Yet, many of the small advancements for women in the patriarchal faith came in the wake of that movement.
Women began to be pictured with male general authorities in photo spreads, seated among male leaders during twice yearly General Conferences and added to the church’s top executive committees.
“There is no way that [therapist] Julie Hanks’ highlighting shame culture in ‘For the Strength of Youth’ specifics about clothing didn’t prompt that change, to take away the do’s and don’ts,” says Cynthia Windward, one of the “At Last She Said It” podcasters. “Or the training that all leaders working with minors have to complete now post-Sam Young [a former bishop who was excommunicated after he went on a three-week hunger strike to protest church leaders doing private, one-on-one interviews with children and youths]. Or maybe even us asking why women can’t be auditors? Witnesses?”
Then poof, Winward says. “We’re allowed now.”
Erika Munson, co-founder of Mormons Building Bridges, concedes that “institutions don’t like change." But, she said, when Latter-day Saints "feel that something at church is not in alignment with the gospel, they want to do something about it.”
Erika Munson, who co-founded Mormons Building Bridges in 2012 to unite Latter-day Saint and LGBTQ individuals, bristles at the thought that the word “activism” can have a negative connotation.
“Active is a word we love to use in the church, asking people, ‘Are you active?’” she says. “Being ‘active’ is the way you show your church credentials.”
She understands institutional resistance to being pushed.
“Institutions don’t like change,” she says, “but when church members feel that something at church is not in alignment with the gospel, they want to do something about it.”
It can be in small ways in a congregation, says Munson, who is now the co-founder of the Emmaus LGBTQ ministry, “or large ways like marching in a pride parade, or lobbying for gay rights in Washington, D.C.”
The church’s drive in 2008 to help pass California’s Proposition 8, defining marriage as between a man and a woman, was “a turning point for many loyal faithful Mormons,” she says, “who were good soldiers and worked for it and then felt bad about it.”
A couple of years later, Munson says, that “turmoil combined with the power of the internet to tell personal stories, connected with their own spiritual testimonies of how God works in their lives.”
Voila. Quiet “activism” emerged.
“It’s so satisfying to say we all have testimonies of the gospel,” she says, “and it’s our testimonies that are driving this.”
To “active” members, there is a constant “back and forth between orthodoxy and obedience, testimony and personal revelation.”
To the more rigid believers, any activism aimed at the church “looks very disobedient,” Munson says, but not to her.
One big role of a prophet “is to listen,” says Susan M. Hinckley, the other “At Last She Said It” podcaster. “God uses people and circumstances to make things known in all kinds of ways.”
By definition, Hinckley says, “a living church responds.”
https://www.sltrib.com/religion/2022/11/24/is-pushing-change-within-lds/
Scientology workers signed contracts under duress, their lawyers say
Tracey McManus
Tampa Bay Times
November 17, 2022
Before Gawain and Laura Baxter could leave their posts as workers aboard the Church of Scientology’s religious ship in the Caribbean in 2012, the couple said they had no choice but to sign contracts they didn’t understand.
It was required before a security guard would hand over their passports, immigration records and identification, according to court records.
What they didn’t know, according to their declarations, is that they signed clauses agreeing to bring any future dispute before the church’s internal arbitration panel of loyal Scientologists, not the U.S. court system.
The Baxters and fellow Scientology worker Valeska Paris sued the church in April for trafficking, and now a Tampa federal judge is considering whether to grant the church’s request to punt the lawsuit into internal arbitration.
At a hearing on the motion Thursday, U.S. District Judge Thomas Barber asked both sides to explain whether the former Scientologists signed the contracts under duress. All three were members of the church’s military-style workforce called the Sea Org.
The Baxters and Paris signed their contracts out of “religious obedience,” not duress, argued William H. Forman, an attorney for Church of Scientology International, one of five church entities named as defendants.
He said that falls under a legal doctrine known as the ministerial exception that helps protect churches from claims by religious workers. The U.S. Supreme Court has ruled secular courts cannot interfere with it, he said.
Forman said no church official made objective threats to the Baxters or Paris about leaving the church. Signing the documents was required only if they wanted to leave while remaining in good standing with Scientology. He said the former Scientologists had “subjective beliefs” related to their religion about what would happen if they failed to sign the contracts, such as being excommunicated from their families.
“The duress issues here are not black and white,” Forman said. “They are hopelessly intermingled with the religious issues.”
What created duress was fear of punishment conditioned into the Baxters and Paris since childhood, said Shelby Leighton, an attorney with Public Justice, a nonprofit that is part of the team representing the former Scientologists. In the Baxters’ case, because children were not allowed in the Sea Org, Laura Baxter got pregnant with her husband on purpose as a way to begin the process of leaving.
While being subjected to “long interrogations and psychological punishment” during the “routing out” process, the Baxters were held in isolation and surveilled 24 hours a day by security, according to their declarations. During her time in the Sea Org, Laura Baxter said she was also confined to the ship’s engine room, forced to do manual labor and had pay withheld.
Leighton said that physical force is not required to prove duress and that confinement and threat of force is sufficient. “That’s not a subjective fear,” Leighton said. “They’re basically being trapped on the ship until they sign the documents.”
While discussing the issue of duress, Barber asked about a hypothetical scenario in which someone had a gun to a person’s head while they signed an arbitration contract on video and whether that would have to go to arbitration. Forman responded, “Yes, because the agreement says you must arbitrate.”
Paris also served on the ship, called the Freewinds, but was in Australia when she left the Sea Org in 2009. Leighton said Paris experienced the same duress because she had to sign departure contracts with the arbitration clause in order to get her passport back from Scientology.
Barber, the judge, noted that Paris was in a foreign country and needed her passport to be in Australia.
“That is not being told you can’t walk out this door,” Forman said. “It’s a matter of religious obedience.”
Last year, a U.S. appeals court upheld a Tampa federal judge’s ruling that sent a fraud lawsuit brought by former Scientologists Luis and Rocio Garcia into the church’s internal arbitration. The Garcias’ attorney argued the arbitration agreements the couple signed while in the church were “substantively unconscionable” because they were seen as enemies of the church after suing Scientology and could not get a fair hearing.
The appeals court ruled that delving into the fairness of Scientology’s arbitration process would be interpreting religious doctrine in violation of the First Amendment.
In the trafficking case, attorneys for Scientology argued that the Baxters and Paris signed the same arbitration agreements that the U.S. appeals court upheld in the Garcia case.
But in their response, attorneys for Baxter and Paris argued the Garcias never raised the issue of duress. They were lay parishioners who signed contracts while receiving services and were not full-time religious workers.
Barber did not indicate when or how he would rule on Scientology’s motion to compel arbitration.
(Editor’s note: A previous version of this story incorrectly reported the name of Public Justice, an organization working on behalf of the plaintiffs.)
https://www.tampabay.com/news/clearwater/2022/11/17/scientology-workers-signed-contracts-under-duress-their-lawyers-say/
Helping Survivors
Helping Survivors. Our mission is to assist anyone who has been victimized by sexual assault or abuse. Our website is a compilation of information around different instances of sexual violence. We offer resources to assist survivors and their families, and we will continuously be adding more. To see our organization and some of the helpful information we have made, check out the link below:
- Sexual Assault in a Rideshare - helpingsurvivors.org/ride-sharing-safety-guide/
- Helping Survivors - helpingsurvivors.org/
Thousands flocked to a spiritual leader who claimed he could multiply money. Then, dead bodies turned up
CNA
November 26, 2022
- Charismatic spiritual leader Dimas Kanjeng amassed thousands of followers, including high-ranking government officials
- He convinced them that if they gave him money, they would make a substantial profit
- Then, two of his foundation’s leaders were found murdered
- Years after he was jailed, there are still supporters loyal to him
ROBOLINGGO REGENCY, EAST JAVA: They came in droves from all over the country. Even high-ranking officials flocked to him.
At every gathering spiritual leader Dimas Kanjeng held, tens of thousands would attend, recalled businessman and lawyer Muhammad Ali. At the height of Dimas’ popularity, he was estimated to have 23,000 followers.
“I was enchanted,” Muhammad Ali said, going on to describe the spiritual leader as convincing, authoritative, and charismatic.
But it was more than just his personality. Dimas, whose real name is Taat Pribadi, claimed he had the power to multiply money – a “power” that he demonstrated to great effect among those watching him.
Word of his supposed power started spreading rapidly throughout Indonesia from 2009. In 2012, he officially registered his foundation, Padepokan Dimas Kanjeng Taat Pribadi, and started collecting even larger sums of money, and assets, from followers, promising handsome returns. Over two years from early 2014, Muhammad Ali handed over 35 billion rupiah (S$3.068m) – and he was just one of thousands who gave the man money.
But it was also around that time that Dimas’ scam began to unravel. Then, the dead bodies of two of his foundation’s leaders were discovered and identified.
Dimas has since been unmasked as a fraud and jailed. But even today, there are some who remain loyal to him.
What exactly made him so extraordinary? The programme Catching A Scammer explores the con – and the appeal of the man himself.
LIKE ANTS TO HONEY
In 2010, local journalist Ahmad Faisol was invited to Dimas’ compound to cover a prayer and charity event. Dimas was beginning to attract followers at the time.
Security at the compound, recalled Faisol, was strict. No invitation, no entry. But it was then that he personally witnessed Dimas multiplying money.
“He asked me to come to his living room and search him,” he said.
Faisol remembers seeing “a lot of money”: Around 50 million rupiah (S$4,392), which later went up to 100 million rupiah.
When Faisol asked how he got the ability to do this, he replied that it came after meditating in the mountains.
Dimas was also known to cure illnesses, according to another local journalist Babul Arifandie. “There were some rituals, obligations that must be carried out by the patients,” he recalled.
Babul had visited Dimas’ foundation thrice for work and remembers being “amazed” at the man’s magnetism – and his ability to collect millions of rupiah from thousands of people.
“He is like honey, and he attracts a lot of ants,” he said.
Magnetism aside, those like Muhammad Ali also noted that the foundation was financially sound and donating to social causes.
Dimas had promised to multiply the money Muhammad Ali gave. At the start, Muhammad Ali had not intended to hand over “that much money”.
“But he always said the money would be returned,” Muhammad Ali explained. That compelled him to hand over as much as he could – even selling his assets and taking a bank loan.
In return, he was given suitcases as a guarantee. Money, he was told, had been locked inside.
“If the suitcases were opened before the stipulated date, you will die, go blind … be paralysed,” he said. “That was the threat – in the end, we were scared.”
As for Lilik Riyanto, the then-finance manager of a charitable organisation, Dimas told him that in order to get funding from his foundation, he would first have to give money to it.
“They called it a cash-out fee,” said Lilik, who declined to name his former organisation as it has dealings with the country’s public sector. “It’s like when you want to get a loan from the bank, you have to first pay a provision fee.”
Dimas also promised to contribute funds to Lilik’s organisation's hospital building project.
Both Lilik and Muhammad Ali were convinced by the “fantastic amount of money” the foundation appeared to have. Lilik remembered seeing an account statement from a foreign bank with an office located in Jakarta, which showed an amount in the trillions of rupiah.
Muhammad Ali also checked that the foundation was registered legally as a non-profit.
In total, from early 2014 to mid-2016, Lilik’s charity sent Dimas more than 20 billion rupiah (S$1.758m), with the expectation of receiving 1 trillion rupiah.
It was in 2014, journalist Faisol recalled, that the first hints of trouble surfaced.
One day in August, the chairman of Dimas’ foundation, Abdul Gani, approached Faisol and said he had something to tell him. “If I were to guess, it seemed like he had something he wanted to get off his chest … but he was hesitant to tell his story,” said Faisol.
Abdul was said to be one of Dimas’ closest friends – there were rumours they had known each other since they were teens.
Faisol began to investigate the foundation. “There were rumours of strange ongoings,” he said. “There were a few people who wanted to share, but they were afraid for their safety.”
His attempts to reach Abdul again were also unsuccessful.
On April 13, 2016, things took a dramatic turn.
Without a word to his family, Abdul disappeared. The next day, his body was found. His head was wrapped in a plastic bag and duct-taped. More duct tape covered his entire face. A noose was around his neck, his hands were tied, and there were bruises on the back of his head.
“It’s obvious that it’s murder,” said Abdul’s nephew, Muhammad Efendi, who identified the body.
Abdul was a respected figure in Probolinggo regency and news of his murder shook the community. The manhunt for the murderers began.
In May, the police made arrests. One of them, Wahyudi, was the leader of the foundation’s security team. He was also an active member of the Kopassus, the Indonesian Army’s special forces command.
But there were still many unanswered questions. “Why did they murder? What was the motive?” said Rakhmad Hari Basuki from the East Java High Prosecution Office, who prosecuted the murders. “They had no grudge against Abdul Gani.”
More disturbing news surfaced. Abdul’s colleague was also missing – and had been for some time.
The disappearance of Ismail Hidayah, the foundation’s coordinator, had been reported by his wife more than a year ago. When Abdul was found murdered, the police figured out that Ismail had also been murdered.
His body had, in fact, been found in February 2015. But at the time, recalled journalist Babul, the unidentified corpse was completely unrecognisable. No one took notice, he added, because “why should we care about this unknown person”?
With the identification now made, it wasn’t long before investigators found the common thread. “Ismail, Abdul and Dimas – they’re known as old friends,” said Babul. “It means there are two people, close friends of Dimas Kanjeng, who (died of) unnatural causes.”
WATCH: Exposing The Schemes Of A Spiritual Conman In Indonesia (46:12)
THE LOYAL FOLLOWERS
In September 2016, the police raided Dimas’ compound. It was no ordinary arrest.
Besides the Probolinggo police, there were law enforcers from the East Java region, including a heavily armed tactical unit. In total, according to Faisol, there were about 2,000 police and personnel from the Indonesian Armed Forces.
“There were thousands of people living at the foundation, and they were willing to die for Dimas Kanjeng,” said Babul. The leader himself was found at the back of his foundation’s compound, hiding in the sports complex. Followers there wielded bamboo sticks and stones and blocked the police from entering.
It took the police two hours to take him into custody.
Why was Dimas able to inspire such loyalty among his followers?
“Indonesian people – we revere symbolism,” said Devi Rahmawati, a cultural studies lecturer from the University of Indonesia. “Dimas Kanjeng understands and makes use of that.”
For one, she said, he had changed his name from Taat Pribadi to Dimas Kanjeng – the word “Dimas” in local Javanese dialect refers to a male representative, while “Kanjeng” is a title that commands respect.
“He changed his corporate branding to ensure he is a figure beyond reproach,” she said.
There were also many photos of him with government ministers and other prominent people. While Devi noted that “anyone can take a picture together with these elites”, Dimas used it to “establish a reputation, so people see him as a trustworthy figure”.
Indonesia, she added, is a society with strong oral traditions. So, when people saw what Dimas could supposedly do, the news spread rapidly.
“The people who spread the rumours are not only people who have seen it with their own eyes … They are also people who are trusted in their own circle,” she said.
“It's not surprising then that the word spreads faster and is convincing.”
Among segments of the population, there is also a long-held belief in what is commonly termed black magic.
Victim Muhammad Ali recalled that even when the suitcases he had been given as a guarantee were handed over to the police, “they didn’t dare to open them”. He speculated that they may have got a shaman to help.
They later discovered that the suitcases were filled with dollar bills, likely expired, and counterfeit money.
“It was worthless,” he said. “I left them at the prosecutor’s office.”
WAS HE THE MASTERMIND?
In February 2017, seven people stood trial for the murders of Ismail and Abdul, while Dimas was accused of ordering the murders.
It was easier to secure convictions of the seven, noted prosecutor Rudi Aji Prabowo, because there were witnesses to the murders.
“But none of the murder suspects dared to name Dimas as the mastermind, or to say that he was the one who gave the order,” said Rudi, who led a team of prosecutors to handle Dimas’ murder charge.
Given the public attention on the case and the number of fraud victims said to be involved, there were about 10 members on his team. In comparison, most cases would have about two prosecutors.
In Indonesia, prior to going to court, prosecutors would speak to suspects to confirm evidence gathered by the police and other case details. Rudi remembered his surprise at Dimas’ demeanour, which he maintained throughout the trial.
“He spoke softly, was actually a lot smaller (than he appeared in pictures) and was very calm,” he said. “He insisted he had nothing to do with the murders.”
But prosecutors managed to prove that 100 million rupiah was given to the murderers to commit the crime.
It turned out that both Abdul and Ismail were killed to stop them from exposing the fraud. Both knew, said Rudi, that there was something wrong with the foundation.
“Dimas gave the order using some metaphor,” added Rudi.
In the end, the killers were sentenced to 10 to 20 years in prison. Prosecutors sought a life sentence for Dimas, but he received 18 years’ jail.
This was followed by his trial for fraud. Besides Lilik and Muhammad Ali, there were two other victims who made police reports about being scammed.
During the trial, witnesses testified that they truly believed in Dimas’ ability to conjure things up. “It was very interesting,” said prosecutor Rakhmad. “They said that at the foundation, he could attract not just money, but food – meatballs, soup … fruit salad.”
“So, the chief judge asked Dimas to prove this at his next trial appearance.”
That was when he admitted that he could not do it.
“It was clear that there was no investment or any type of business carried out by his foundation,” said Rakhmad.
Dimas was sentenced to an additional three years in prison for defrauding one victim. Though he was found guilty of defrauding the others as well, he received no additional jail time.
This is because, said Rakhmad, the maximum jail term in Indonesia is 20 years in consecutive cases, life imprisonment or the death penalty. Dimas had already received 18 years for the murders and three years for fraud, making a total of 21 years.
“Of course, we are disappointed,” said Lilik, who still hopes that his foundation can get its money back. “But we have to abide by the law.”
WHERE IS THE MONEY?
The total sum involved in the fraud charges tried in court was almost 100 billion rupiah, according to prosecutor Rakhmad. But this is merely a fraction of what Dimas and his foundation likely received.
There were no accounting reports, he said, and law enforcers couldn’t determine how many victims had made payment.
The total amount Dimas collected could be more than a trillion rupiah, he added. There were also those who deposited assets like land certificates or cars.
To this day, the whereabouts of the money remains a mystery.
“Investigators searched the (foundation’s compound) for bunkers, but they never found anything,” said Rakhmad. “(The money had) vanished into thin air.”
The compound lies deserted now – much shabbier than it used to be. It has become a no-outsider zone surrounded by high fences.
“It used to be open to the public,” said journalist Babul. “But it’s closed off now … not even police officers can walk in freely.”
Yet, he said, there are still about 300 people living inside. They are waiting for Dimas to be released.
https://www.channelnewsasia.com/cna-insider/murders-cult-leader-money-conjured-dimas-kanjeng-indonesia-biggest-spiritual-cons-scam-3099131
The Children of Osho Miniseries Part 1 - Interview with Sam Jahara
Nov 22, 2022
Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, Spiritual Leader, Dies
An obituary on Feb. 6 about Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, who introduced transcendental meditation to the West and gained fame as the spiritual guru to the Beatles, described incorrectly those who may bear the title of Maharishi, Hindi for “great seer,” and misstated his own eligibility for it. The title may be bestowed on people of any caste, not only Brahmins. He was not ineligible because he was from a lower caste.
https://www.nytimes.com/2008/02/06/world/asia/06maharishi-1.html
Nov 20, 2022
Cultists burn Misamis Oriental woman, 84, alive for her 'great sins'
Nov 15, 2022
CultNEWS101 Articles: 11/15/2022
"A cult living in an isolated desert commune in Tumacacori/Tubac, AZ near the border has raised alarm over its leaders' UFO doomsday predictions and heavy use of indoctrination, surveillance and control.
- The 120 members are required to turn over their homes, cars, money, businesses and possessions to the cult leader.
- Former followers claim they are covering up child sex abuse and that members have died from being denied medical care and being "worked to death."
- Members are required to work 40-60 hours a week of hard labor for no pay despite old age, illness or physical limitations.
- Gabriel of Urantia told Dateline he was Martin Luther, King Arthur, and George Washington in previous lives. He claims to be the "Planetary Prince" and that a space alien named.
Madras Courier: On Gurus, Godmen & Conmen
"The self-appointed Godmen of the twentieth century eschewed asceticism and chose a life of opulence, fanfare & power-politics.
The word 'Guru' that has iterated, notoriously, into 'Goldman' in contemporary India does not find mention in the oldest spiritual texts of the Vedas. The Vedic precept of salvation was exclusively sacrificial in nature and concept, and it wasn't until the age of Vedanta or Upanishads (when the focus shifted to Jnana or knowledge as the pre-requisite of 'moksha' or liberation of the soul from the cycle of re-birth) did the need of a Guru warrant to impart that eclectic knowledge. The Pauranika and Tantrika schools of thought in AD 300 transformed Guruism into an institutional lineage, doctrinally sectarian and with the advent of Sikhism in the 15th century, the institution of Guru was redefined structurally into a religio-military entity of the Godman.
An existential vacuum pervaded the West with the fall of Christianity and the rise of science and rationalistic epistemology, the principle of acquisition of knowledge and unravelling of truth through rational means and empirical evidence. Though scientific materialism paved the way for rapid human advances and technological progress, this philosophy was grossly inadequate in addressing fundamental metaphysical, moral and spiritual questions of mankind. Human beings were reduced to mere machines, cogs in the wheel of profit-making enterprises where psychology replaced spirituality, economics substituted humanness and feelings were reduced to mere biochemical reactions.
Every human activity was commercialised and dehumanised. Naturally, human beings rebelled against such a mechanistic worldview, and it provided a fertile ground for exporting Guruism to the West as an alternative, a new counterculture. Maharishi Mahesh Yogi and Swami Prabhupada led this spiritual renaissance in the West in the rebellious 1960s, long after Swami Vivekananda delivered his historic sermon at the World Parliament of Religions in Chicago, heralding the resurgence of Hindu mysticism and spirituality. The spiritual quest of man was resuscitated, and these Gurus addressed the imperative of creating a new culture.
In India, renowned as the cradle of spirituality and mysticism, the ancient tradition of the Gurukula system was metamorphosing into Godmen, the 'realised soul', the supreme authority, synchronised with the unitary consciousness of the ultimate reality or Brahman, in the true spirit of monism. The Godman hailing from a non-brahmin caste in the rigid caste hierarchy of India was perceived as a saviour, liberating the faithful from the oppressive class dominance, ostensibly offering them a mediator for their salvation and a wellspring of spiritual nourishment. The rising incomes in the 1980s and 90s and the burgeoning middle class facilitated the mushrooming of the Godmen across the country, catering to all social classes and demographics.
The quantum changes in technology and globalisation, culminating in a socio-economic structure, aggressively competitive, unprecedented and aping the West, resulted in the futility of material pursuits and meaninglessness of life, drawing hordes of people into the asylums of the Godman, who proffered to instil meaning, reinstate purpose and restore identity in the lives of the lost. For the Indian masses, total obeisance to the Godman was merely an extension of the subservience to the patriarchal social system, dominated by a mostly male chauvinistic father in every family, urban or rural.
Unlike in the ancient and medieval periods, where a Guru or a Godman was regarded as an epitome of wisdom and a finite reflection of the infinite divine self, the self-appointed Godmen of the latter half of the twentieth century eschewed asceticism and life-long commitment to a life of detachment from worldly pleasures, ironically chose a life of opulence, fanfare and power-politics. The nobility of mission and purity of purpose, witnessed by great spiritual leaders like Ramakrishna Paramahansa, Mahatma Gandhi, Rabindranath Tagore and Paramahansa Yogananda made India the finest exemplar of spirituality, was ruefully and irretrievably lost in the pursuit of wealth and power of the modern-day Indian Godmen. Equipped with dubious and limited knowledge, by manipulating and misinterpreting the exhaustive collection of ancient spiritual texts, these con artists have betrayed and corrupted a gullible public.
The elite character of socio-economic development through decades post-independence, a non-inclusive growth model that alienated millions of poor Indians from economic participation and prosperity, was also instrumental in mushrooming of Godmen in the country. A quintessential case is Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh, a rape convict and his Dera Sacha Sauda religious cult, whose charitable trusts provided free food and education to millions of its followers. The underprivileged Sikhs who had converted from Hinduism, escaping oppression and ostracism from their lower caste status, realised that class division is deeply entrenched in Sikhism, too. However, its cardinal message is equality.
Where the state administration failed in dispensing its basic duties towards its citizens, a charlatan succeeded in restoring social peace and, true to the Needs Hierarchy Theory of Abraham Maslow, instilling in the masses their paramount need for self-esteem. The security of livelihood offered by the cult drew millions of loyal disciples, mostly youth from Punjab and Haryana. Violent protests marked the day of Ram Rahim's sentencing to life imprisonment for raping a minor girl, resulting in arson, vandalising, vehicles set ablaze, train carriages wrecked, and roads blocked, killing 30 people and paralysing life in large swathes of Northern India.
Most of these acclaimed Godmen have been convicted of murder, rape, sexual assault and running prostitution rackets in recent years after numerous allegations of sexual orgies and excesses perpetrated in their precincts. Asaram Bapu, Swami Bhimanand, Sant Rampal, Swami Premananda, Santhosh Madhavan, and Swami Sadachari are a few prominent ones, among other scoundrels, who are implicated and currently serving prison sentences, for their various acts of felony, from murder, rape, sexual abuse, financial fraud, cheating and misappropriation. While for a discerning mind, these self-imposed Godmen are just deft tacticians capitalising on human vulnerabilities and insecurities, for their adherents and disciples, they are inviolable, and all allegations are mere propaganda. Convictions and incarcerations are not persuasive enough to label their idols as criminals, and nothing offers a better case study on the cognitive bias known as Confirmation Bias as the resolute clan of the Godmen.
The most entertaining and comical of the lot is Swami Nithyananda, currently a fugitive, wanted by Interpol for allegations of kidnapping and confinement of children to collect donations for his hermitage in Ahmedabad. A consummate conman, who had sold his critical faculties and reason to the Devil, has established a sovereign nation for dispossessed Hindus on an island he bought from Ecuador near Trinidad and Tobago. This nation, named 'Kailasa', has its cabinet ministers and a Prime Minister! While it is conceivable that one could lose his mind, patronising a lunatic by a frenzied crowd defies all logic.
Sadhguru, aka Jaggi Vasudev, who has been accorded the second-highest civilian award, Padma Vibhushan, is a master of pseudo-science. Under the garb of rational discourse, chaste English-speaking skills and ecumenism, his forays into science commentaries on Higgs Boson, evolutionary biology, the relationship between eclipses, cooked food and body chemistry. His prescription of proprietary Shambhavi Mahamudra Yoga and its positive correlation with neuronal brain regeneration and similar absurdities are highly unscientific, fallacious and ridiculous. The political patronage of these conmen for vote-bank is equally objectionable, which offers legitimacy to their irrational, unethical and immoral practices.
Behind the deceptive mask of India's socio-economic advancement and scientific establishments, ushering in the digital and space age, lies a vast majority of the population, from the elitist to the ignorant, who are equally vulnerable and obsessed with myths and legends. Most are believers in superstitions and fairy tales and, invariably, credulous patrons of religious obscurantism and magic. Their intellectual and rational faculties cannot delineate fact and fiction. They look deep into the past to create a future. It seems that India's science education is not scientific enough to permeate a pan-Indian scientific temper."
1997 - Wikipedia: The Order of the Solar Temple (1994-95)
"The Order of the Solar Temple (French: Ordre du Temple solaire, OTS) and the International Chivalric Organization of the Solar Tradition, or simply The Solar Temple, is a cult and religious sect that claims to be based upon the ideals of the Knights Templar. OTS was founded by Joseph di Mambro and Luc Jouret in 1984 in Geneva, as l'Ordre International Chevaleresque de Tradition Solaire (OICTS), and later it was renamed Ordre du Temple Solaire. It is associated with a series of murders and mass suicides that claimed several dozen lives in France, Switzerland, and Canada in 1994 and 1995.
Some historians allege that the Solar Temple was founded by the French author Jacques Breyer, who established a Sovereign Order of the Solar Temple in 1952. In 1968, a schismatic order was renamed the Renewed Order of the Solar Temple (ROTS) under the leadership of the French right-wing political activist Julien Origas."
" … In October 1994, Tony Dutoit's infant son (Emmanuel Dutoit), aged three months, was killed at the group's centre in Morin-Heights, Quebec. The baby had been stabbed repeatedly with a wooden stake. It is believed that Di Mambro ordered the murder, because he identified the baby as the Antichrist described in the Bible. He believed that the Antichrist was born into the order to prevent Di Mambro from succeeding in his spiritual aim.
Some time afterwards, Di Mambro and twelve followers performed a ritual Last Supper. Subsequently, apparent mass suicides and murders were conducted at Cheiry and Salvan, two villages in Western Switzerland, and at Morin Heights—15 inner circle members committed suicide with poison, 30 were killed by bullets or smothering, and 8 others were killed by other means. In Switzerland, many of the victims were found in a secret underground chapel lined with mirrors and other items of Templar symbolism. The bodies were dressed in the order's ceremonial robes and were in a circle, feet together, heads outward, most with plastic bags tied over their heads; they had each been shot in the head. The plastic bags may have been a symbol of the ecological disaster that would befall the human race after the OTS members moved on to Sirius; it's also possible that these bags were used as part of the OTS rituals, and that members would have voluntarily worn them without being placed under duress. There was also evidence that many of the victims in Switzerland were drugged before they were shot. Other victims were found in three ski chalets; several dead children were lying together. The tragedy was discovered when officers rushed to the sites to fight the fires that had been ignited by remote-control devices. Farewell letters left by the believers stated that they believed they were leaving to escape the "hypocrisies and oppression of this world."
A mayor, a journalist, a civil servant, and a sales manager were found among the dead in Switzerland. Records seized by the Quebec police showed that some members had personally donated over C$1 million to Di Mambro. Another attempted mass suicide of the remaining members was thwarted in the late 1990s.[citation needed] All the suicide/murders and attempts occurred around the dates of the equinoxes and solstices in some relation to the beliefs of the group.
Another mass-death incident related to the OTS took place during the night between the 15 and 16 December 1995. On 23 December 1995, 16 bodies were discovered in a star-formation in the Vercors mountains of France. It was found later that two of them shot the others and then committed suicide by firearm and immolation. One of the dead included Olympian Edith Bonlieu, who had competed in the women's downhill at the 1956 Winter Olympics.
On the morning of 23 March 1997, five members of the OTS took their own lives in Saint-Casimir, Quebec. A small house erupted in flames, leaving behind five charred bodies for the police to pull from the rubble. Three teenagers, aged 13, 14 and 16, the children of one of the couples that died in the fire, were discovered in a shed behind the house, alive but heavily drugged.
Michel Tabachnik, an internationally renowned Swiss musician and conductor, was arrested as a leader of the Solar Temple in the late 1990s. He was indicted for "participation in a criminal organization" and murder. He came to trial in Grenoble, France, during the spring of 2001 and was acquitted. French prosecutors appealed against the verdict and an appellate court ordered a second trial beginning 24 October 2006. He was again cleared less than two months later in December 2006."
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