Nov 18, 2024

Aberrations of Power: Leadership in Totalist Groups (Synanon)

2004 - Cultic Studies Review: Aberrations of Power: Leadership in Totalist Groups (Synanon)

November 18th is recognized as International Cult Awareness Day

" … Synanon was a residential drug treatment group founded in California by Chuck Dederich, in 1958.  Synanon’s treatment was based on the “Game,” a confrontational group session during which participants critically considered the defenses and illusions that sustained their substance abuse.  Within months, Synanon claimed to be an effective means of controlling not only alcoholism but drug addiction, as well. Between 1958 and 1968, the group processed over 5000 individuals (Gerstel, 1982).

The purported success of this program as a treatment for drug addiction was based primarily on unsubstantiated reports in the press (Ofshe, 1980).  While it is likely that members did remain drug free and sober while in residence (given the no-nonsense, confrontational Synanon approach), there is little formal documentation that Synanon provided a successful cure for individuals who moved to non-resident status (Ofshe, 1980).  In time, such graduation ceased to be a goal of the organization.  Its fame as a successful drug program led to donations, grants and expansion that permitted it to open businesses staffed by (unpaid) Synanon members (Gerstel, 1984).  By 1967 Synanon had over 800 members in various residence facilities and had begun to admit non-addicted individuals from the community.  The Game was offered as a powerful, albeit traumatic, means of self-exploration. Obviously it also served as a blunt instrument of punishment and control.

In 1968, Dederich formally re-conceptualized Synanon as a communal living experiment open to all. Entry required attending “boot camp” complete with sleep loss, vigorous exercise and other humiliating initiation activities.  Game “marathons” lasting over 24 hours became common at this point. (Gerstel, 1984). By 1975 Dederich had declared Synanon to be a religion, renounced his vows of poverty, allocated himself a substantial salary, and established a luxury residence for himself and his entourage. Dederich could broadcast at will to all Synanon locations and used this communication system, “the wire,” to humiliate any Synanon member who displeased him (e.g., Gerstel, 1984).

Promiscuous sexual activity at Synanon had long been tolerated and by 1977, was actively encouraged as a means of establishing “mutual love” among group members (Gerstel, 1984). Dederich’s power was reflected in the effectiveness of this edict even among married members as well as his success encouraging abortion and vasectomies for group members (Ofshe, 1980).  By the mid 1970’s, the group abandoned non-violence and formed armed security details designed to “protect” the group from outsiders as well as to discipline unruly members -- particularly resistant adolescents.  By 1975, these security personnel had engaged in physical attacks on local neighbors, the beating of an ex-Synanon member, and a case in which an “enemy” attorney was bitten by a rattlesnake placed in his mailbox—a crime that eventually resulted in Dederich's accepting a plea bargain of five years probation (Gerstel, 1984).  Synanon then lost a series of lawsuits stemming from the physical assaults made by the group.  The IRS revoked their tax-exempt status in 1986.  Synanon was formally disbanded in 1991, and in 1997 Chuck Dederich died of heart and lung failure in California where he was living in a trailer park (Yee, 1997).

Theoretical Analyses of Synanon (Social Identity Theory)

In accord with a social identity view, group salience in Synanon was high given the residential nature of membership.  Similarly, given the initiation ordeals, it is safe to assume that among those who chose to remain, group commitment and identification were very high (Baron, 2001; Pratkanis & Aronson, 2000). Moreover, the intense mortification process entailed in Gaming, recurrently encountered by both neophytes and veterans, was specifically designed to challenge members’ feelings of esteem and self-efficacy—conditions we have emphasized earlier as facilitating conditions for group identification. Given that Dederich lived among the other members, participated in Games on a weekly basis, and for years did not take obvious material advantage of his leadership position, one could argue that he was viewed as a prototypic group member. Thus, Dederich was deeply admired within the group and his opinions on a wide range of issues (from sexual promiscuity to the need for brutal mutual criticism) defined normative opinion and behavior within the group. In addition, Dederich took positions that differentiated him from those outside the group on a number of issues (e.g., private property, promiscuity).  Thus, conforming to his “prototypic” opinions helped establish the distinction between Synanon members and those outside the group. In short, in several respects, Dederich’s leadership style corresponds to that outlined by social identity theory.

However, as above, Dederich did not emerge as a leader because his attitudes and behaviors happened to correspond to prototypic group norms.  Rather, as creator of the group, such norms were defined by whichever opinions and actions he favored.  This fact does not correspond to the analysis offered by (Hogg, 2001). In addition, while there is little doubt that Dederich’s leadership stemmed in part from his prototypic status as Hogg’s analysis maintains, it is clear that Dederich aura of charisma was to his abilities as a speaker, manager, and innovator, over and above any attributional bias on the part of his membership.  On the other hand, Hogg’s suggestion that leaders come to rely more on coercive and reward power as they begin to distance themselves from the group is congruent with the fact that Dederich expanded his use of physical discipline as he adopted luxurious privileges not available to others.  In short, the social identity perspective corresponds in some but not all respects to the leadership history within Synanon.

Transformational Theory

One can also make a reasonable case that Dederich’s leadership pattern represents the pseudo-transformational style alluded to by Bass (1998).  Group members stood to gain any one of several transactional benefits, including a life free of drug addiction and crime (in the cases of drug addict members).  Dederich offered inspirational leadership, a transcendent purpose, and individual consideration of group members. However, Dederich had little toleration of dissent, was an expert in humiliation and criticism of his followers, focused on punishing transgressions (as opposed to rewarding correct behavior), and was manipulative and Machiavellian in dealing with the group.  Thus, Bass’s conception of pseudo-transformational leadership provides a close description of Dederich’s leadership style within Synanon."

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