Showing posts with label Ammon Bundy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ammon Bundy. Show all posts

Mar 8, 2023

CultNEWS101 Articles: 3/8/2023 (LDS, Ammon Bundy, Legal, FLDS, Sullivan Institute, Amish )

LDS, Ammon Bundy, Legal, FLDS, Sullivan Institute, Amish 

Forbes: Mormon Church Will Pay Millions In SEC Settlement Over Investment Portfolio Allegedly Saving For 'Second Coming Of Christ'
"The federal Securities and Exchange Commission charged the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints on Tuesday for violating federal tax laws, after a whistleblower revealed the church had allegedly deceived donors into raising money for a massive fund that has never been touched."

Idaho Statesman: Idaho health system wants Ammon Bundy held in contempt of court, seeks $7.5 million in damages
"St. Luke's Health System has filed paperwork asking an Ada County judge to consider holding far-right leader Ammon Bundy in contempt of court — again.

In court documents filed by Holland & Hart attorney Erik Stidham, St. Luke's alleged that Bundy violated Fourth District Judge Lynn Norton's protective order by failing to remove "defamatory statements" on the People's Rights Network — a far-right group started by Bundy — about St. Luke's President and CEO Chris Roth.

"A finding of contempt are needed here as Bundy disregards and disrespects the court and continues to disrupt plaintiff's lives and livelihoods," according to the memorandum. "Absent a finding of contempt, there is no doubt that Bundy will continue to defy the court."

in what he called a "peace offering." He's previously gone to trial twice for trespassing charges in 2021 and 2022.

Stidham in the memorandum alleged that Bundy violated the protective order by falsely posting on the People's Rights Network that Roth is a criminal accessory of child abduction."

"Polygamous cult leader Sam Bateman, a self-proclaimed prophet awaiting trial on kidnapping and other charges, "brazenly" used the jailhouse phone system to "engage in sexual discussions with children," federal prosecutors allege.

One of the girls, identified in court papers as "Jane Doe 4," is a 13-year-old he allegedly conspired to kidnap, court papers say."

Alexander Stille: The Sullivanians: Sex, Psychotherapy, and the Wild Life of an American Commune
"The devolution of the Sullivan Institute, from psychoanalytic organization to insular, radical cult.

In the middle of the Ozzie and Harriet 1950s, the birth control pill became available and a maverick psychoanalytic institute, the Sullivan Institute for Research in Psychoanalysis, opened its doors in New York City. Its founders wanted to start a revolution, one grounded in ideals of creative expression, sexual liberation, and freedom from societal norms, and the revolution needed to begin at home. Dismantling the nuclear family—and monogamous marriage—would free kids from the repressive forces of their parents. The movement attracted many brilliant people as patients, including the painter Jackson Pollock and a swarm of other artists, the singer Judy Collins, and the dancer Lucinda Childs. By the 1960s, it had become an urban commune of hundreds of people, with patients living with other patients, leading a creative, polyamorous life.

By the mid-1970s, under the leadership of its cofounder Saul Newton, it devolved from a radical communal experiment into an insular cult, with therapists controlling virtually every aspect of their patients' lives, from where they lived to how often they saw their children. Although the group was highly secretive, even after its dissolution in 1991, Alexander Stille has reconstructed the inner life of this hidden parallel world. Through countless interviews and personal papers, The Sullivanians reveal the nearly unbelievable story of a fallen utopia in the heart of New York City.
" ... In the communities surrounding Bloomfield, you'll find the largest, most conservative Amish community in Iowa. The Davis County Amish are a storied community, and they welcome visitors into their world. A visit to this community is a fascinating look at a lifestyle that feels completely foreign to us in the contemporary moment."

The Davis County Amish have been here for generations, and the tight-knit group still even speaks German."

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Oct 30, 2016

Jury acquits leaders of Malheur wildlife-refuge standoff

October 27, 2016

 

Standoff leaders Ammon and Ryan Bundy and five others were found not guilty of conspiring to impede federal workers from doing their jobs at the Malheur National Wildlife Refuge in Oregon.

 Hal Bernton 

Seattle Times staff reporter

 

PORTLAND — A federal jury Thursday acquitted the leader of the winter occupation of the Malheur National Wildlife Refuge and six others, in a big courtroom victory for the militant movement challenging federal control of public lands and a wrenching setback for federal prosecutors.

The jury found brothers Ammon and Ryan Bundy and five others not guilty of conspiring to impede federal workers from doing their jobs during the 41-day armed takeover that ended Feb. 11 at the refuge, some 300 miles southeast of Portland.

"This is off-the-charts unbelievable," said Matthew Schindler, an attorney for defendant Kenneth Medenbach. "I had been telling my client you can count on being convicted. You don't walk into a federal court and win a case like this. It just doesn't happen."

 

Malheur refuge trial at a glance

Seven defendants: Ammon Bundy, Ryan Bundy, Shawna Cox, Kenneth Medenbach, Jeff Banta, David Fry and Neil Wampler.

Primary charge filed against all seven:Conspiracy to prevent, by "force, intimidation, and threats," employees of the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service and Bureau of Land Management from carrying out their duties.

Other charges filed against some defendants: Theft of government property, use and carry of a firearm during and in relation to a crime of violence. 

 

The trial stretched on through five weeks of lawyers' arguments and witness testimony, then days of jury deliberations that included a rare replacement of a juror accused of bias, before finally ending in a moment of drama and chaos.

After the verdicts were read, Ammon Bundy's attorney, Marcus Mumford, argued his client should be set free, while U.S. District Court Judge Anna Brown said he must be returned to custody of federal marshals, since he and his brother still faced charges in Nevada stemming from a 2014 standoff near their father's ranch.

"Mr. Mumford, you really need to not yell at me now or ever again," Brown admonished.

Mumford's protests grew louder until he was finally tackled and hit with a stun gun by marshals, said defendant Shawna Cox and another member of the defense's legal team. The judge ordered the courtroom cleared.

Morgan Philpot, co-counsel for Ammon Bundy, said he was five feet away when Mumford was taken down by U.S. marshals. He said Mumford screamed as he was tased in the back.

Mumford was released late Thursday.Ammon and Ryan Bundy remained in custody.

Speaking to reporters Thursday night, Mumford talked about being taken down to the floor by the marshals.

"Don't tase me. That's what I was saying. You don't need to I'm on the ground," Mumford said.

The 12 jurors, many drawn from outside Portland, found Ammon Bundy, Shawna Cox, David Lee Fry, Jeff Wayne Banta, Kenneth Medenbach and Neil Wampler not guilty on all counts. They found Ryan Bundy not guilty of conspiracy and possession of firearms but could not reach a verdict on a theft charge.

For the U.S. Justice Department, this was a major prosecution in the aftermath of an occupation that sent shock waves reverberating across the West.

From the time of the takeover through the whoops of joy released in the courtroom Thursday, the case has generated passionate support from Bundy backers who want to turn more federal land over to local control for increased grazing, logging and mining. It has also triggered a backlash from environmentalists and others who consider the occupation an assault on public land.

"While we had hoped for a different outcome, we respect the verdict of the jury and thank them for their dedicated service, during the long and difficult trial," said Billy Williams, the U.S. attorney for the Oregon District, in a statement.

Kevin Sonoff, a spokesman for the U.S. Attorney's Office in Portland said Friday morning that officials there will "regroup with our trial team and decide what we will do going forward."

Prosecutors filed an indictment earlier this year charging 26 people, including the seven defendants in the just completed trial, in the conspiracy to takeover the refuge.

Since then, charges were dropped against one man, and 11 pleaded guilty, although one of them is now seeking to withdraw his plea. Meanwhile, another seven, including Darryl Thorn, a Washington resident, are scheduled to go to trial on the conspiracy charge next year.

Win 'for rural America'

Bundy supporters outside cheered and blew a horn, and somebody even rode a horse. They chanted for the release of the Bundy brothers and prayed in memory of LaVoy Finicum, a rancher and occupation leader killed by law-enforcement authorities as they sought to make arrests on a highway outside the refuge.

"A stunning victory for rural America," declared defendant Neil Wampler.

Those who opposed the occupation saw a darker future.

"I fear this ruling will embolden other militants to use the threat of violence and I worry for the safety of employees at our public land- management agencies," said John Horning, executive director of WildEarth Guardians, in a statement. "It is entirely possible there will be threats or intimidations from militants that believe such actions are justified by this verdict."

Dan Ashe, U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service director, said in a statement, "We are profoundly disappointed in the outcome of the trial," and are "committed to the security, healing and comfort of refuge employees."

Some refuge employees served as prominent government witnesses, testifying about being displaced from their refuge headquarters and moved to other locations in the Northwest out of concern for their safety.

In closing arguments that stretched two days, prosecutors stressed the defendants were not on trial for their beliefs,and had an absolute right to protest government actions. But they argued the defendants stepped over the line into a criminal conspiracy to occupy the refuge and — through the use of armed guards and other acts of intimidation — keep federal employees away from their offices south of Burns.

Ammon Bundy called the takeover a "hard stand" against the return to prison of two Oregon ranchers, Dwight Hammond Jr. and his son Steven Hammond, after a federal judge ruled they had not served long enough sentences on arson charges.

The defendants said they never discussed stopping individual workers at Malheur from accessing their offices but merely wanted the land and the buildings. That was the technical argument. The emotional argument made by the defense was that the takeover was an act of civil disobedience against an out-of-control federal government that held tyrannical rule over the rural West.

"Thousands came to his cause and his movement not to break the rules … but to try to find a way to get the government to follow theirs," Mumford said in his closing remarks to the jury.

How the prosecutors' case failed to convince jurors will be debated for some time.

Prosecutors took two weeks to present their case, finishing with a display of the more than 30 guns seized. An FBI agent testified that 16,636 live rounds and nearly 1,700 spent casings were found.

The group seized the refuge, established armed patrols and vetted those who visited. The government argued all of the defendants realized they were preventing the federal employees from going to work, and thus were part of a conspiracy.

"Ladies and gentlemen, this case is not a whodunit," Assistant U.S. Attorney Ethan Knight said in his closing statement, arguing that the group decided to take over a federal workplace that didn't belong to them.

But jurors rejected that argument. And under the instructions given to them by Judge Brown, if there was no conspiracy, they could not find the defendants guilty of firearms charges.

Ammon Bundy and Ryan Bundy are expected to stand trial in Nevada early next year on charges stemming from another high-profile standoff with federal agents. Authorities rounding up cattle at their father Cliven Bundy's ranch— because of unpaid grazing fees — released the animals as they faced armed protesters. Ammon and Ryan Bundy and other family members named in a federal indictment face numerous charges, and if convicted, they risk decades of prison time.

Defendant Jeff Banta made clear after the verdict that he still backs the Bundys.

"I love it, it's great. I'm going to get on with my life, he said.

Banta said he expected to go have a beer, then soon head to Nevada, where he hopes to get construction work and support the Bundys in their legal struggles.

Drama in deliberations

Drama marked jury deliberations. One juror accused another of bias, and Brown on Wednesday replaced the accused juror with an alternate who had to travel back to Portland from Central Oregon.

Ammon Bundy said the plan was to take ownership of the refuge by occupying it for a period of time and then turn it over to local officials to use as they saw fit.

Bundy also testified that the occupiers carried guns because they would have been arrested immediately otherwise, and to protect themselves against possible government attack.

Ryan Bundy, who acted as his own attorney, did not testify.

Authorities had charged 26 occupiers with conspiracy. Eleven pleaded guilty, and another had the charge dropped. Seven defendants chose not to be tried at this time. Their trial is scheduled to begin Feb. 14.

The takeover ended peacefully as the last four occupiers surrendered Feb. 11, but before that, on Jan. 26, Finicum, who had emerged as a spokesman for the movement, was shot to death. The shooting came as police tried to apprehend leaders of the occupation as they drove north to speak at a community meeting in John Day.

Fish and Wildlife officials said the occupation cost the federal government $4.3 million, including restoration and other expenses.

At the Malheur refuge, employees have returned, but the headquarters complex, which includes a visitor center, will not be open to the public until sometime next year when a new security system is completed.

 

The Associated Press contributed to this report, which included material from The Seattle Times archives. Seattle Times staff reporter Hal Bernton: 206-464-2581 or hbernton@seattletimes.com.

 

http://www.seattletimes.com/seattle-news/crime/verdict-near-in-malheur-wildlife-refuge-standoff-trial/

 

 

Oct 5, 2016

LEADER OF ARMED STANDOFF DESCRIBES WHAT LED HIM TO US REFUGE


STEVEN DUBOIS
Associated Press
October 5, 2016

PORTLAND, Ore. (AP) — The leader of an armed takeover of a national wildlife refuge took the witness stand in his own defense, tearfully telling jurors he was initially reluctant to get involved in the plight of two Oregon ranchers ordered to return to prison.

Ammon Bundy speaks during an interview at Malheur National Wildlife Refuge, near Burns, Ore. Bundy the leader of an armed takeover of a national wildlife refuge took the witness stand in his own defense, tearfully telling jurors he was initially reluctant get involved in the plight of an Oregon ranching family, Tuesday, Oct. 4, 2016.

Ammon Bundy, 41, of Emmett, Idaho, wore blue jail scrubs Tuesday afternoon and had a copy of the U.S. Constitution in his front pocket. He has rejected the option of civilian clothes, contending he's a political prisoner.
When asked where he lives, he told the court: "Multnomah County Jail, maximum security."
The testimony quickly got more serious. Bundy testified he knew nothing about ranchers Dwight and Steven Hammond until his father, Cliven Bundy, asked if he was aware of their situation.
"I'm afraid what's happening to them is the same thing that happened to us," Bundy recalled his father saying, referring to the family's long fight with the government over federal lands and grazing fees, highlighted by a 2014 armed standoff with federal agents at Cliven Bundy's ranch near Bunkerville, Nevada.
"I told him, 'Dad, I can't fight another battle. We're doing the best we can to keep our family from going to prison.'" Bundy said.
Bundy said that changed in early November 2015, when he clicked on an article about the Hammonds and became consumed by their case. He told the court he had and "overwhelming feeling it was my duty to get involved and protect this family."
Within days, he traveled to Harney County to meet the Hammonds and unsuccessfully press a local sheriff to shield them from federal authorities.
The Hammonds were convicted of an arson charge that carries a minimum prison sentence of five years. A federal judge, on his last day before retirement, decided it was too stiff and gave the men much lighter penalties.
Prosecutors won an appeal and the Hammonds returned to prison Jan. 4 to complete the mandatory minimum.
Bundy and six co-defendants, one of them is his brother Ryan, are charged with conspiring to impede Interior Department employees from doing their jobs during the 41-day occupation of the Malheur National Wildlife Refuge. The occupation began shortly after a Jan. 2 rally in support of the Hammonds and it grew into a wider call for the government to relinquish control of the refuge and other Western lands.
Bundy and his followers believe the federal government does not have a right to own land within a state, except for limited purposes, and only if it gets consent from the state and purchases the property.
Though she allowed Bundy to describe his beliefs, U.S. District Court Judge Anna Brown limited "narrative lectures" on land policy saying it's not relevant to the criminal case.
Bundy's attorney, Marcum Mumford, then questioned his client about the Bunkerville standoff. He played a video clip of his client getting shot three times with a stun gun as protesters clashed with federal agents near Cliven Bundy's ranch.
Mumford asked Bundy why he kept coming back for more after getting shocked by a Taser.
"Their actions were way out of line, way out of line," he said.
The judge reminded jurors they were not deciding the merits of the Bunkerville standoff, only its effect on Bundy's state of mind and if it played a role in his decision to occupy the federal land in Oregon.
Mumford asked Bundy about such a connection.
"It's definitely a piece of it," Bundy said.
Bundy and his father are both facing charges from the Bunkerville standoff and are scheduled to be tried in 2017.
Bundy is expected to return to the witness stand Wednesday.

http://www.apnewsarchive.com/2016/The-leader-of-an-armed-takeover-of-a-national-wildlife-refuge-took-the-witness-stand-in-his-own-defense-tearfully-telling-jurors-he-was-initially-reluctant-to-get-involved-in-the-plight/id-a0acbd1789f34ac991ee0ebda829d168

Jul 30, 2016

Ryan Bundy Says He's 'Idiot' Sovereign Citizen Not Subject To Federal Law

TPM

By ALLEGRA KIRKLAND

JULY 29, 2016

 

In a baffling series of court motions filed Thursday, one of the men who led a 41-day occupation earlier this year of the Malheur Wildlife Refuge in Oregon declared himself a sovereign citizen free from the bounds of federal laws.

Ryan Bundy claimed that he was a “idiot of the ‘Legal Society’” in documents filed to U.S. District Court Judge Anna Brown, as Oregon Public Broadcasting reported.

“I, ryan c, man, am an idiot of the ‘Legal Society’; and; am an idiot (layman, outsider) of the ‘Bar Association’; and; i am incompetent; and; am not required by any law to be competent,” Bundy wrote.

Along with his brother Ammon and some two dozen others, Bundy faces felony conspiracy charges for illegally occupying the wildlife refuge in remote eastern Oregon to protest federal land ownership.

Ryan Bundy is representing himself in the case.

In another filing, he declared himself a sovereign citizen of the “bundy society” who was a creation of God, not a “person” as defined by “the unholy bible of the Legal Society.”

His brother, Ammon Bundy, signed the declaration of sovereign citizenship as a witness.

Ryan Bundy’s behavior has become increasingly erratic since he was jailed this spring. Earlier in July, he prepared for an escape attempt by braiding his bed sheets into a 12-15 foot rope and stockpiling food and other goods.

After authorities prevented the escape, he told Judge Robert Jones that he was “a rancher, trying to practice braiding rope,” according to OPB.

Read some of the filings below, courtesy of OPB:

 

http://talkingpointsmemo.com/livewire/ryan-bundy-declares-self-idiot-sovereign-citizen

 

Apr 4, 2016

Arnold Law’s media policy that was established for Ammon Bundy’s case. We have opted to make our media policy

Ammon Bundy’s case

The following is Arnold Law’s media policy that was established for Ammon Bundy’s case. We have opted to make our media policy public for the benefit of those interested in the case and to help other attorneys involved in high-profile cases who may be caught in the middle of media coverage for the first time. We, of course, we reserve the right to amend or modify this from time to time.

WHY DO WE SPEAK PUBLICALLY?

Because Mr. Bundy has Free Speech rights and sometimes needs our assistance to exercise those rights.

Because our speaking out and assisting Mr. Bundy to speak out may encourage witnesses to come forward who have information that may be helpful to the defense but who might otherwise be unwilling to do so in a predominantly negative media environment.

To counter the asymmetrical release of a great deal of negative and untruthful information about our client from a variety of sources.

Because this case raises important public policy and political issues that are already a part of widespread public discussion and that deserve more discussion.

Because our client wishes us to demand transparency and shed light on any actual or perceived abuses of power, whether by the government, the media or private individuals.

WHAT WILL WE SAY?

Even though we have broad Free Speech rights (First Amendment and Article 1, Sect. 8, Oregon Constitution), in addition to those of Mr. Bundy, we will generally limit ourselves to addressing issues that are already in the media or about which the media is asking questions, even though we are not required to limit ourselves.

In other words, we will only rarely initiate communications about matters that have not already been or are not about to become subjects of public or media discussion. We are not trying to create publicity about issues for which no publicity would otherwise exist.

We realize that we are lawyers representing a client and not media experts. We will always try to keep our client’s interest and our responsibilities as lawyers in mind and have and will always advise a client of the right to to remain silent.

WHO SPEAKS?

Mike Arnold and Lissa Casey are the only individuals at the firm who are authorized to communicate with the press. All requests for comments should initially be made to Mr. Arnold, typically through the firm's designated media coordinator Shawn Vincent of Vincent Mediaworks.

Depending upon the circumstances, Mr. Arnold and Ms. Casey may at times be able to arrange for live statements by, or written or recorded statements from, Mr. Bundy.

SOCIAL MEDIA AND CROWDSOURCING

In addition to traditional written press releases and interviews, we believe that the purposes sought to be served by our communications can also be met through the use of social media.

In addition to providing a medium for presenting appropriate information about the case, social media also provides a platform for communications with the firm. The Ammon Bundy defense is, in part, a crowd-sourced legal matter. Given the large number of potential witnesses and the broad public interest in the case, social media provides the most practical way for a firm and client with limited resources (going against the federal government, an entity that literally prints the money) to identify, aggregate, and authenticate information that may prove invaluable to the defense.

http://arnoldlawfirm.com/ammon-bundy/ammon-bundy-defense-media-policy/

Feb 11, 2016

Oregon Standoff Ends as Last Militant Surrenders

DAVE SEMINARA and RICHARD PÉREZ-PEÑA
New York Times
February 11, 2016

PRINCETON, Ore. — The last four holdouts in the armed occupation of a wildlife refuge in eastern Oregon surrendered peacefully Thursday morning, 40 days after the standoff began.

Three of the four walked out to waiting F.B.I. agents over the course of a few minutes after 9:30 a.m., but the fourth, David Fry, at first said he would not.

In an extraordinary, hours long negotiation with supporters and F.B.I. agent, with thousands of people listening to the conversation on a live stream online, he aired a wide range of grievances, said he was suicidal, and said repeatedly that his choice was “liberty or death.” Ultimately he gave himself up without a fight.

The occupation by antigovernment militants appeared to be reaching its end in late January, when 11 of its most prominent members — including the leader, Ammon Bundy — were arrested while venturing out of the refuge. One protester was killed, and some of the remaining occupiers heeded calls by Mr. Bundy and others to go home.

But four refused to leave, and held out for another two weeks until three gave themselves up Thursday to the F.B.I. after lengthy negotiations by phone. The Rev. Franklin Graham and Michele Fiore, a Nevada state lawmaker and supporter of the Bundy family, helped smooth the surrender, first speaking by phone to the occupiers in a conversation that was streamed live online. They then accompanied the F.B.I. agents who drove to the refuge and arrested the holdouts.

The end of the occupation at the Malheur National Wildlife Refuge came the day after the F.B.I. arrested Cliven Bundy, father of Ammon Bundy and an icon to antigovernment activists in the West, who was at the center of another armed standoff with government agents, in Nevada in 2014.

Speaking with the four holdouts, Ms. Fiore urged them to surrender peacefully to the F.B.I. so that they could continue to spread their message. “A dead man can’t talk, a dead man can’t write,” she told them. “We have to just stay together, stay alive.”

Reverend Graham said, “You all just do everything they told you to do, and it’s going to work out great.”

The occupiers replied that they would walk out to meet the F.B.I., stressing repeatedly that they would be unarmed, and that they were leaving their guns behind.

At 9:38 a.m., one of them, Sean Anderson, said he and his wife, Sandy, were walking out, and he could be heard yelling “coming out!” to the agents. Mr. Fry described the Andersons making their way out, hands raised, with Mr. Anderson holding an American flag in one hand, until they were taken into custody.

At 9:42, Mr. Fry said another of the occupiers, Jeff Banta, was going toward the agents, hands in the air.

Then Mr. Fry, t, who had seemed calm to that point, lit a cigarette and became agitated. “Unless my grievances are heard, I won’t come out,” he shouted. Supporters on the phone, and those at the refuge, urged him to remain calm and surrender.

“I’m actually feeling suicidal right now,” Mr. Fry said. He said he was sitting alone in a tent. “I have to stand my ground,” he said. “It’s liberty or death. I will not go another day as a slave to this system.”

“I declare war against the federal government,” he said a few minutes later. “I’ve peacefully voted and nothing is ever done.”

Mr. Fry said his grievances had not been addressed. He claimed his taxes were being used to pay for abortions. “Until you guys address my grievances, I will just sit in here by myself.”

“Sometimes it’s better just to die. Liberty or death,” he said. “I declare war against the federal government.”

In past interviews, Mr. Fry said he had come to the occupation after becoming friend with one of its leaders, LaVoy Finicum, over the Internet. Mr. Finicum died on Jan. 26 in a clash with the authorities.

The refuge, about six hours from Portland, was taken over by a small band of armed militants on Jan. 2. They demanded that two local ranchers, imprisoned on arson charges for a fire that spread to public lands, be released, and that federal lands that the occupiers said were improperly taken from local ranchers in decades past be returned to local or private control.

The remaining four occupiers had repeatedly invoked the killing of Mr. Finicum, by federal agents during a traffic stop as a sign of the government’s unwillingness to bring the standoff to a peaceful end.

Mr. Finicum was shot when he reached for a firearm, the F.B.I. said. Ammon Bundy, the leader of the occupation, was arrested during the stop along with several other members of the group, including his brother, Ryan.

About 50 or 60 cars were parked at the roadblock outside the sanctuary, most of them belonging to journalists and the rest belonging to protest sympathizers waving flags and signs. One woman held a sign saying, “I live in America, not Russia.”

Thomas Wagner of Christmas Valley, Ore., stood on top of his pickup truck at the roadblock, wearing full military fatigues — from boots to helmet — and waving an American flag. A 32-year-old unemployed security guard with a Confederate flag bumper sticker on his truck, he said, “I came here to support these four patriots, to let them know that they are not being abandoned.”

The standoff has highlighted the anger of many Western ranchers and farmers over federal government ownership of vast tracts of land in Western states, which they believe should be turned over to the states or to private ownership.

Cliven Bundy, father of Ammon and Ryan, became a national figure in 2014, after federal officials tried to confiscate his cattle because he had refused for more than two decades to pay fees to the federal government for grazing his cattle on federal land. Heavily armed self-described militiamen flocked to his ranch in Bunkerville, Nev., to face down the authorities, and when the agents retreated rather than risk a shootout, Mr. Bundy hailed it as a victory for those angered by federal regulation. He has been seen as a hero by the Oregon occupiers and by people sympathetic to their cause.

Cliven Bundy’s lawyer, Michael Arnold, said his client had been arrested at the Portland airport and would face a felony charge of conspiracy to impede officers of the United States from discharging their official duties, in connection with the 2014 standoff.



Dave Seminara reported from Princeton, Ore., and Richard Pérez-Peña from New York. Reporting was contributed by Julie Turkewitz in Denver, Kirk Johnson in Seattle and Colin Miner in Portland, Ore.

http://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/12/us/oregon-standoff.html?_r=0

Feb 10, 2016

Here is what polygamous sect member Ross LeBaron Jr. wrote in support of the Bundy family

February 10, 2016

Salt Lake Tribune

Nate Carlisle

Ross Wesley LeBaron Jr. letter

The movement for the states to take control of federal lands has strong support along the Utah-Arizona line. So does polygamy.

LaVoy Finicum, the lone fatality in the conflict at the Malheur National Wildlife Refuge in eastern Oregon, lived along that line. While Finicum did not belong to a polygamous sect, some who knew him do.

One supporter of Fincum and rancher Cliven and Ammon Bundy, it seems, is Ross Wesley LeBaron Jr. His father held the title of patriarch in the polygamous Church of the Firstborn of the Fulness of Times. After a split within the church, one of the younger LeBaron's uncles, Ervil LeBaron led the Church of the Lamb of God.

Law enforcement believes that in the 1970s and 1980s Ervil LeBaron and his followers murdered more than 25 people in Utah, Texas and other states whom Evril LeBaron viewed as rivals or heretics.

Ross LeBaron Jr. has not been implicated in those murders. LeBaron has had addresses over the years in Cedar City, Utah, and Kane Beds, Ariz.

Salt Lake Tribune reporter Matt Piper ran into him in Kanab, Utah, the day after Finicum's funeral.

LeBaron, 73, offered Piper a sheet of paper explaining his views. The page was dated Feb. 5, 2015, but the references to Finicum suggest it was written this year.

"To love your neighbor as yourself is to stand for his rights and not undermined (sic) them by supporting corrupt government," the writing says, in part. "Anyone that undermines the Constitution and people's rights a not true Christians, true Israelites or good people."

Later, in bold type, LeBaron writes: "Lavoy, the Bundy's (sic) and others are my heroes. They stood for something bigger then (sic) themselves. They are not sellouts like many are today. I thank God for all those that are standing for the greater good."

The published phone for LeBaron has been disconnected. He did not respond to an email sent to an address published on ablog purported to have been written by him. The blog includes an open letter to commentator Glenn Beck and an essay on the key to prosperity and peace.

There's no indication LeBaron holds any formal posts with any of the political or militia groups supporting the Bundy family.

During the weekend, the Principle Tumblr posted a photo of a sign taped to a business door in Cane Beds saying it would be closed for the funeral of Finicum and another funeral that day — one for Warren Jeffs' first father-in-law, a man named Isaac W. Barlow. Jeffs is the imprisoned leader of the Fundamentalist Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints.

http://www.sltrib.com/home/3518130-155/here-is-what-polygamous-sect-member

Jan 15, 2016

Explainer: The Bundy Militia's Particular Brand Of Mormonism

John Sepulvado 
Oregon Public Broadcasting
January 3, 2016


“I’m Captain Moroni, from Utah.”

That’s how one militiaman at the Malheur National Wildlife Refuge responded to OPB’s Amanda Peacher when she asked for his name.

That name is not a silly response to deflect responsibility: In many ways, it encapsulates a deeply intertwined anti-federal sentiment mixed with Mormon symbolism. Captain Moroni is a crucial figure in the Church of Latter Day Saints. He’s also a heroic figure for anti-federalist extremists.

In the modern day west, Captain Moroni has become one of several powerful symbols for the Bundy militia’s anti-governmental extremism.
Who Is Captain Moroni?

According to LDS scripture, Captain Moroni took command of the Nephites when he turned 25. Moroni innovated weaponry, strategy and tactics to help secure the safety of the Nephites, and allow them to worship and govern as they saw fit.

In LDS texts, Moroni prepares to confront a corrupt king by tearing off part of his coat and turning it into a flag, hoisting it as a “title of liberty.” This simple call to arms inspired a great patriotism in the Nephites, helping to raise a formidable army. Vastly outnumbered, the corrupt king fled. According to the Book of Mormon, Captain Moroni continued to push for liberty among his people.

“And it came to pass that Moroni was angry with the government, because of their indifference concerning the freedom of their country.”
An Embrace Of The “Title of Liberty”

During an April 2014 standoff with federal officials, supporters and members of the Bundy militia cited Book of Mormon passages centering on Captain Moroni. There were also several flags quoting Captain Moroni’s own writing on his “title of liberty.” Often next to American flags, these banners read “In memory of our God, our religion, and freedom, and our peace, our wives, and our children.”

Cliven Bundy - the Nevada Rancher who called on militia and anti-government forces to help him in the showdown with the Bureau of Land Management – cited his own Mormon faith as a reason for what he viewed as a favorable outcome. As quoted by the Salt Lake City Tribune:

“If the standoff with the Bundys was wrong, would the Lord have been with us?” he asked, noting no one was killed as tensions escalated. “Could those people that stood (with me) without fear and went through that spiritual experience … have done that without the Lord being there? No, they couldn’t.”

Those remarks represent the deep commitment to the Bundy brand of faith. Abraham Bundy – Cliven’s great-grandfather – was a deeply religious man who was driven from prior home s first by flood, and then by revolution. He settled what would become Bundyville, home to a one-room schoolhouse and a scattering of homesteads in a harsh stretch of desert.

Ultimately, the small town Abraham Bundy founded would be abandoned, after the Bundy family could not secure water and grazing rights from the federal government.

Bundy has previously said in interviews that relocation played a significant role in shaping his family’s outlook toward the federal government.

Those views are intertwined with Bundy’s faith. Speaking in St. George, Utah, after the standoff with the Bureau of Land Management, Bundy posed these questions to a crowd of mostly conservative Mormons, as reported by the Spectrum of St. George:

“If our (U.S.) Constitution is an inspired document by our Lord Jesus Christ, then isn’t it scripture?” Bundy asked.

“Yes,” a chorus of voices replied.

“Isn’t it the same as the Book of Mormon and the Bible?” Bundy asked.

“Absolutely,” the audience answered.
A New Generation Of Mormon Extremism

David Ammon Bundy – Cliven’s father – relocated the family to Nevada in the 1940s. Cliven named his third son, Ammon, after his father. Ammon is also a figure in the Mormon faith, described as a “great servant” in LDS scripture.

Ammon Bundy is a self-described devout Mormon, with strong anti-federal feelings. He praises his father’s actions against the federal government, and once accused the Bureau of Land Management as using the Endangered Species Act as a type of eminent domain.

“They have this quota that they meet,” Bundy told the Cultural Hall podcast. “What we start to see is them using the resources and selling the land for their own benefit!”

Ammon Bundy uses much of the same language as his father, mixing Mormon religious symbolism with a disgust of the federal government.

Speaking to Harney County residents last December, Ammon Bundy explained why he became involved in the Dwight and Steven Hammond case that sparked this takeover of federal property.

“I got this urge that I needed write something,” Bundy said. “I asked the good Lord…I need some help. And he gave me that help. The Lord is not pleased what has happened with the Hammonds.”

And Bundy justified their armed-intrusion this way to OPB’s Amelia Templeton:

“The main reason we’re here is because we need a place to stand,” Bundy said. “We stand in defense, and when the time is right we will begin to defend the people of Harney County in using the land and the resources.”

Meanwhile, Bundy has called for “fellow patriots” to join him at the armed occupation. That call itself closely represents what Captain Moroni told his fellow Nephites in LDS scripture. And it’s part of the reason why “Captain Moroni” came to Burns.

The man identifying as Captain Moroni said he was inspired by the call, and that the inspiration was validated by God in the form of a flock of geese he saw flying.

“I just knew it was the right thing [to come to Oregon],” Captain Moroni said. “I’m willing to die here.”

http://www.opb.org/news/article/explainer-the-bundy-militias-particular-brand-of-mormonism/?t=749885#.VoncrtYXXQA.twitter

Jan 14, 2016

Ammon Bundy and the Paradoxes of Mormon Political Theologies

Benjamin E. Park
RELIGION & POLITICS
January 11, 2016

On Saturday, January 2, Ammon Bundy led a group of protesters in occupying the Malheur Wildlife Refuge Building outside of Burns, Oregon. An outgrowth of a demonstration in support of two ranchers, Dwight and Steven Hammond, who were convicted of allowing a controlled fire to engulf federal lands, the act of dissent was aimed to symbolize a much broader protest: the allegedly unconstitutional extension of the federal government and the revocation of local rancher freedom. The Malheur Refuge symbolized, they believe, the infringement of private land rights, and so they took possession of it in an armed occupation and vowed not to relinquish the property until their demands were met.

Ammon is the son of Cliven Bundy, a Nevada rancher who has previously led a standoff with the American government; like his father, Ammon defends his actions through religious belief and justification. Most importantly, as a Mormon, Bundy mixes LDS symbolism with a libertarian language of disgust for the federal government. He claims he prayed and received inspiration that guided his activities: “The Lord was not pleased with what has happening with the Hammonds,” he said. His protest against federal overreach, he believes, is an extension of his Mormon faith. In another interview, Bundy explained: “I have no idea what God wants done, but he did inspire me to have the sheriffs across the United States take away these weapons, disarm these bureaucracies, and he also gave me a little inspiration on what would happen if they didn’t do that.” This is as much a religious mission as it is a political action. If Ammon followed the example of his father from several years before, then prior to their quest, he would have fasted and prayed for the “spirit of their forefathers to be with them.”

Even though the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints has already condemned Bundy’s actions, many have pointed out the consistencies within his beliefs and particular moments from Mormon history. Some have even noted how this Mormon context is necessary to understand Bundy’s activities. Indeed, the Mormon past provides a lot of evidence for this interpretation, as there were plenty of individuals and moments that have demonstrated a penchant for violence within the LDS tradition.

But this episode is also an important lesson in the danger of attempting to connect a straight line between traditions and individuals. Ammon Bundy is a product of Mormonism, but his Mormonism is also a product of his own making. His armed standoff is just another tale in the paradoxical history of LDS believers who have paved their own way by framing political beliefs through theological prisms. The Mormon tradition, like virtually any religious tradition, provides the material for both violent and pacifist strains, thus making it difficult, if not impossible, to simply connect the dots between the LDS faith and Bundy’s actions. Indeed, forfeiting superficial appeals to strict coherency or literal continuity within a faith tradition allows the true elasticity and dynamism of Mormonism, not to mention American religion, to come into view.

The name “Ammon” comes from the Book of Mormon, a scriptural text Latter-day Saints believe contains the story of an Israelite family who left Israel, settled in the Americas centuries before Christ, and established an extensive proto-Christian civilization. A son of one of the text’s most righteous figures, King Mosiah, the Book of Mormon’s Ammon spends his early years rebelling against the church. After being convinced of his wicked ways and converted to the gospel by an intervening angel, however, Ammon becomes an iconic missionary to the “Lamanites,” a neighboring and wicked tribe who had rejected God’s message. Once on his mission, he attempts to impress a Lamanite king by tending the royal flock of sheep yet is quickly ambushed by marauding bandits. Ammon successfully protects the king’s property by killing several thieves with a sling and immobilizing the rest by chopping off their arms. This act of bravery converted the king and eventually brought the entire kingdom into the folds of the gospel.

In some ways, Ammon’s story fits in with several violent narratives within the Book of Mormon. The entire story begins with the first protagonist, Nephi, decapitating an evil ruler in Jerusalem who had refused to release Nephi’s family and scriptural records; this action was justified, the text explains, because it is better for one man to perish than an entire civilization—the Americas, where the Nephite family would settle—to dwindle in unbelief. Much later in the story, another protagonist, named “Captain Moroni,” becomes a famous war general who raises a “Title of Liberty” and swears to fight in defense of his country, family, and freedom. One of the armed Malheur Refuge occupiers even called himself “Captain Moroni” when approached by reporters. A superficial reading of Book of Mormon might lead one to believe the text champions violent protest.

Yet like most scriptural texts, the Book of Mormon contains multiple—seemingly contradictory—messages. Several portions of the book can be read as profoundly anti-violence. For instance, the very people that Ammon converts later refuse to take up arms against warring parties, and many of them are slaughtered as a result; this story is a powerful counter-message to previous violent legacies. Further, the final chapters of the Book of Mormon are a dirge dedicated to the fall of the Nephite civilization due to their violent and warring predilections. One could argue that the overall message of the text is a condemnation of those who choose the sword over the Word of God.

The Book of Mormon is far from unique in this complex relationship to violence. Similar summaries could be given of the Bible or Quran, to name but two. Selectively reading scriptural texts in support of particularly contemporary political messages—amplifying some messages while silencing others—is a profoundly common tradition. Scriptural literalism and fundamentalism, of all stripes and within all faith communities, belie the evolving nature of religious appropriation. While violent readings of the Book of Mormon can justify violent actions, such activities often reveal as much about the reader as they do the text. When interpreted from another angle, the Ammon of the Book of Mormon can be as much a counter-weight to Ammon Bundy as he is a spiritual role model.

The tradition that accepts the Book of Mormon as scripture is equally full of mixed messages and paradoxical legacies. Perhaps the most extreme moment came in the late-1850s, in the years leading up to the Civil War, when U.S. President James Buchanan declared that the Mormons in the Utah territory were in rebellion, and he dispatched the federal army to bring them under control. The conflict became known as the “Utah War,” and while it was based in the territorial jurisdiction issues that plagued western settlement at the time, it was also tinged with a uniquely Mormon apocalyptic flair. Brigham Young and his followers were fed up with what they believed was a tyrannical government that infringed on their rights and ignored their interests. Young declared martial law, prepared a territorial army, and waited for the American troops to cross the Rocky Mountains.

Last-minute diplomacy helped evade the armed standoff, but that didn’t mean bloodshed was completely averted. While Utah was under this siege mentality, not to mention afflicted by a stalled economy and the grim complexities of frontier life, Mormon settlers attacked a caravan of immigrants passing through the southern territory. This confrontation led to the tragic massacre of more than a hundred men, women, and children. Sanctioned by local ecclesiastical leaders and later covered up by the LDS Church, the Mountain Meadows Massacre was the darkest moment in Mormon history and has framed how many have viewed the faith’s tradition since.

Yet it would be a mistake to allow the Mountain Meadows Massacre to define the LDS tradition, just as it would be a mistake to define any religious movement through the actions of a few adherents. A majority of Mormons in territorial Utah eschewed violence and sought to live peaceful lives. Some Mormons, like prolific author Edward Tullidge, even renounced violent Mormon actions in national newspapers and decried his leadership for not offering a stronger condemnation. To Tullidge, Mormon militarism was a betrayal of the faith’s legacy. Indeed, that Tullidge published his anti-violent messages in James Gordon Bennett’s New York Herald is not a coincidence: The Herald featured a number of Christian anti-violent ministers during the years surrounding the Civil War who deplored the militarism that American Christianity had seemingly embraced. Religions often prove to be fertile soil for just as many internal debates over the role of violence as dogmatic defenses of a particular position.

This paradoxical balance within Mormonism continues. For instance, while the modern LDS Church, at least in America, has been closely tethered to the Republican Party and the rise of the Religious Right, there was a poignant moment when church leaders bucked that trend. In 1981, LDS President Spencer W. Kimball shocked Republicans when he announced his opposition to Ronald Reagan’s plan to build a missile base in Utah in an address that denounced the nation’s embrace of cold war militarism. Yet this was far from a new cause for Kimball. The previous decade, in a sermon titled “The False Gods We Worship,” he boldly declared:

We are a warlike people, easily distracted from our assignment of preparing for the coming of the Lord. When enemies rise up, we commit vast resources to the fabrication of gods of stone and steel—ships, planes, missiles, fortifications—and depend on them for protection and deliverance. When threatened, we become anti-enemy instead of pro-kingdom of God; we train a man in the art of war and call him a patriot, thus, in the manner of Satan’s counterfeit of true patriotism, perverting the Savior’s teaching: “Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them which despitefully use you, and persecute you; That ye may be the children of your Father which is in heaven.”

Kimball dissented from the conservative establishment on defense and war, even while he continued to embrace many other cultural staples of the conservative movement. While many other Mormons would come to embrace the expanding military industry, especially as most American Mormons remained entrenched within the Republican Party, it is far from the unified front that is often depicted. The LDS Church refuses to be pigeonholed into neat political categorizations, as seen in their more progressive stances on immigration as well as labor laws for same-sex individuals. Just as it is difficult to pinpoint Mormon doctrine on many issues, then, it is similarly impossible to easily predicate Mormonism’s political tradition within traditional bifurcated divisions. Even on an issue as crucial as violence, the LDS culture has enough tools at its disposal to construct various, and seemingly conflicting, idols.

The thing about religious texts and traditions is that they often serve more as malleable building blocks than as strict blueprints. This lesson has recently come into focus amid resurgent fears regarding Islam, which have required reminders that the Muslim faith should not be judged on the basis of extreme, fringe militants and their mischaracterizations of the Quran. The Bible, and Christianity writ large, contain just as many potential justifications for violent warfare.

Mormonism’s many political theologies work the same way. Scriptural texts and historic examples leave a complex legacy of lofty ideals and gritty realities, as is the case with most human institutions. There is much in the Mormon tradition that has fostered a culture of violence and a reticence toward pacifism. Cliven and Ammon Bundy are certain inheritors of that tradition. But that form of cultural inheritance is still predicated upon a particular interpretation that is perched in personal predilections, social context, and intellectual angst. Mormonism is far too messy to be depicted as one-dimensional, as it is constantly remade over and over again by practitioners who appropriate their faith in new and innovative ways that fit their cultural values.

Indeed, examining the relationship between Mormonism’s tradition and the current standoff in Oregon is a reminder that the construction of political theologies is always an exercise in creating religion after one’s own image.

Benjamin E. Park is a postdoctoral fellow at the University of Missouri’s Kinder Institute on Constitutional Democracy. Follow him @BenjaminEPark.

http://religionandpolitics.org/2016/01/11/ammon-bundy-and-the-paradoxes-of-mormon-political-theologies/