Showing posts with label Buddhism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Buddhism. Show all posts

Mar 19, 2024

CultNEWS101 Articles: 3/19/2024 (UK, Legal, Radicalisation,, Immortal Consciousness, Antivax, Johannes Kelpius, Cult Intervention, Mahāyāna Buddhism)

UK, Legal, Radicalisation,Immortal Consciousness, Antivax, Johannes Kelpius, Cult Intervention, Mahāyāna Buddhism

The embattled former Londoner has been in Syria since February 2015.

"Shamima Begum's hopes of returning to the UK from her detention camp in northeast Syria have been dashed again, said Haroon Siddique in The Guardian.

Last week, three Court of Appeal judges ruled unanimously that Sajid Javid, as home secretary in 2019, had acted lawfully when he revoked her citizenship on grounds of national security.

The court left it to others to judge whether it had been a harsh way of treating someone who may have been "influenced and manipulated" to run off to Syria as a 15-year-old schoolgirl to join Islamic State, merely ruling that the decision had been procedurally fair. It was sufficient that Javid had considered such factors, even if he had ultimately rejected them. Begum's lawyers have promised to fight on, but it's hard to see the Supreme Court overturning this definitive ruling.

'Not entirely culpable'

A good thing too, said Niall Gooch on UnHerd. We can recognise that Begum, now 24, is in a wretched situation, and that she is "not entirely culpable, without concluding that the only right response is for her to return to Britain". There are other factors to consider, such as "the British state's ability to defend itself and assert its authority in the face of monstrous enemies".

Besides, it could be argued that the Government, by depriving Begum of citizenship, is simply recognising the reality that she has 'no allegiance to or affection for Britain, beyond a transactional desire to benefit from the services and quality of life available here'."

"No matter what expert you ask, they'll say there are still thousands of cults in the United States.

A Gilbert, Arizona woman says many of them are all around us in Arizona – and she would know.

She says she experienced a cult firsthand and wants to help others avoid what she fell for.

Flipping through childhood photos, everything seems normal.

But, Brooke Walker sees it differently now.

"We celebrated Halloween, we celebrated Easter," she said.

She says she was raised in a cult. "100%. Unfortunately."

As an 8-year-old girl, her parents moved her family to a Mesa neighborhood to live with another family and join the church of Immortal Consciousness.

"Looking for faith, but also something different than what they had," she said. "You know, the mainstream stuff."

What they found was a church leader and medium who said she could speak with and summon a 14th-century Englishman named Dr. Duran.

"You could be heavily corrected by the spirit for what you're doing," Walker explained.

She played for us her recording of what they called "a trance." Eventually, the church leader would speak as Duran.

"I had a lot of mixed emotions about it. Mostly, I'm surprised about the amount of power it used to hold over me," Walker said. "This is what the teaching is telling me. This is what the spirit is telling me. All these things are, if something is wrong, it's me. I'm the problem. So you create this belief set that if anything goes sideways, must be your fault."

The church headed north. About 150 members lived in Tonto Village."

"Andrew Bridgen was in Sweden speaking at an event hosted by Robert F Kennedy Jr's antivax group while his young son was at home facing a medical crisis.

The former Conservative MP, who has become a leading voice in the global campaign against vaccinations, ignored frantic calls from his wife, Nevena, as their five-year-old's health deteriorated, she claims.

Nevena, whose family hail from Serbia, was alone in London with her sick child, going backwards and forwards to the hospital, while she says her husband was on the streets of Sweden "acting as an antivax revolutionary and neglecting his son during a health emergency".

It was the moment Nevena, 43, finally concluded that her husband had been captured by what she considers a"cult".

Today, she reveals how her marriage and life have been torn apart by a "sect" she claims has "taken over" her husband.

She said: "The first alarming sign of radicalisation was when it was obvious that he was turning on us, when our child got terribly ill … There was no way of pleading with him. The human cost of radicalisation and the devastating impact it can have on individuals and their families, and in this case, our family, was spelled out for me for the first time in bold colours."

Nevena, a classically-trained opera singer, who filed for divorce this month, claims she and her son have been left homeless after her marriage to Bridgen, 59, broke down and he 'abandoned them'."

Friends of the Wissahickon: KELPIUS & HERMIT'S CAVE
Nestled in a serene primordial forest glen, the Hermit's Cave is one of Philadelphia's most intriguing historical landmarks, yet most visitors come upon it by surprise or pass by it unknowingly.

Who was the Hermit?

"Johannes Kelpius, a brilliant Transylvanian scholar, led his followers to the Wissahickon wilderness in 1694 to await the end of the world. In the centuries that followed, lore and legend have surrounded this mysterious Hermit of the Wissahickon.  His historic and symbolic significance has inspired many romantic gothic stories popularized by Philadelphia authors like Edgar Allen Poe and George Lippard, but what do we really know of Kelpius and the first doomsday cult in America?

Young Kelpius was part of a radical German Pietist sect led by Johann Zimmerman called the Chapter of Perfection. Zimmerman studied the Great Comet of 1680 and believed the wonders of the sky were a sign of the end times which he determined would occur in 1694. When Zimmerman died unexpectedly, just as the sect was preparing to set sail for the New World, he bequeathed all his writings, astrolabes, telescopes, and almanacs to twenty-six-year-old Kelpius who became the de facto leader of the group.

These 40 celibate monks (all of whom were men), called themselves "The Society of the Woman of the Wilderness." Their inspiration was based on an elaborate interpretation of the biblical passage from the Book of Revelations 12:16 in which a woman waited at the edge of the wilderness in prayer and meditation to prepare for the End of Days. They interpreted this verse to mean they should find a location at the edge of the wilderness to await the apocalypse."

Intervention101: From Deprogramming to the Intervention 101 Approach: The Evolution of Cult Intervention (Rachel Bernstein, Joe Kelly, Patrick Ryan)
"As the knowledge base of cults, manipulation, and control has expanded, so too has the awareness that intervention is often more complex than at first it might appear. Many cult interventionists have become aware that, in addition to the manipulative and coercive tactics utilized by high control groups, there is often a mental health component that needs to be understood and addressed in order for the intervention to succeed. Our approach begins with an in-depth assessment of the family system to evaluate whether intervention is appropriate at a particular time, what part of family dynamics might be contributing to the situation, and who in the family could be helpful during intervention. For all of these reasons we have found it valuable to collaborate with a mental health professional for a more comprehensive understanding of the overall picture. This talk will explore the development of our family-centered, non-confrontational, respectful approach to understand and effectively respond to the complexity of a loved one's cult involvement. Vignettes from our cases will be presented to illustrate how this collaboration has enhanced our effectiveness as cult interventionists."

RNS: What is Mahāyāna Buddhism? A scholar of Buddhism explains
The Mahāyāna branch of Buddhism likely emerged around the first centuries A.D. and was most readily carried through the Silk Road and maritime trade routes.


News, Education, Intervention, Recovery


CultEducationEvents.com

CultMediation.com   

Intervention101.com to help families and friends understand and effectively respond to the complexity of a loved one's cult involvement.

CultRecovery101.com assists group members and their families make the sometimes difficult transition from coercion to renewed individual choice.

CultNEWS101.com news, links, resources.

Facebook

Flipboard

Twitter

Instagram

Cults101.org resources about cults, cultic groups, abusive relationships, movements, religions, political organizations and related topics.


Selection of articles for CultNEWS101 does not mean that Patrick Ryan or Joseph Kelly agree with the content. We provide information from many points of view in order to promote dialogue.


Please forward articles that you think we should add to cultintervention@gmail.com.


Jan 31, 2024

The Commercialization of Thai Buddhism into a Modern Prosperity Cult

Jan Servaes
InDepthNews
January 26, 2024

BANGKOK | 26 January 2024 (IDN) — General and former Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-o-cha opened his royalist shirt during a press conference on May 16, 2016 to reveal the dozen amulets on his chest. He explained that these would give him moral support in negotiations with Russian President Putin. Thus, Thailand's then leader claimed that spiritual "resources" blessed by monks with a reputation for magic helped him in international diplomacy.

While wearing 'guardian angels' has always been present in Thai culture, openly showing them off is a recent phenomenon, especially among businessmen and the military.

General Prayuth was not the first. Like many politicians and businessmen before him, the first thing General Prayuth did after overthrowing a democratically elected government on May 22, 2014 was to carry out a "purification ritual" based on animism and spiritualism to ward off all kinds of evil. "Despite its outwardly modern appearance, daily life in Thailand still prominently features pre-Buddhist animist beliefs," noted Amy Sawitta Lefevre for Reuters.

Peter Jackson of the Australian National University, who gives this example in his "Capitalism Magic Thailand. Modernity with enchantment" argues that since around 2000, these practices have not only become more common, but also considered legitimate and mainstream, especially with the public support of the military, the conservative elite and the monarchy. Banks and large companies sponsor the production and distribution of amulets, offering them as promotional gifts.

We have regularly noticed that they are also sold in many Buddhist temples, especially in the north (Lamphun, Chiang Mai, Chiang Rai) and northeast (Isarn) of the country.

The popular abbot Phra Kruba In-thon Panya Wutthano, of Wat San Pa Yang Luang in Lamphun, who is mainly consulted as a fortune teller and astrologer, only receives during 'office hours'.
Amulets are offered for prizes from 3 to 100$


The hybridization of Thai Buddhism


Thai social scientist Patchanee Malikhao concludes in "Culture and Communication in Thailand" that from a historical perspective, Thai Buddhism is a hybridization of animism, Theravada Buddhism and Brahmanism. Massive urbanization and an increasingly interconnected world are bringing animism into the 21st century. The second chapter's title in Jackson's book is very appropriate: "Buddhist in Public, Animist in Private life".

As Thailand has gone through four phases of globalization, from the archaic period to proto-globalization, globalization and contemporary globalization, Thai Buddhist beliefs and practices have also adapted accordingly.

Malikhao attempts to answer the following questions:

1) How the Sangha, or Buddhist 'Vatican' of Thailand, has been affected since it became part of the state during the reign of King Chulalongkorn (Rama V) from 1868 to 1910;

(2) How economic and social development is impacting Thai Buddhism, especially its animist beliefs, cults, Hindu deities, and astrology; and

(3) How Thai mass media and new social media create hypes about Buddhism, animism and the further commercialization of Buddhism.
Cults of Wealth

Peter Jackson takes these questions into his investigation of wealth cults centring on a range of Buddhist, Hindu, Chinese and Thai spirits and deities that have become prominent features of Thailand's religious landscape since the 1980s. Although different in origin, these cults are not isolated examples of ritual innovation, but rather form a richly intersecting symbolic complex that is now central to national religious life, including monastic Buddhism. In the past, people mainly looked to gods, spirits and amulets for protection. But now the main goal is 'prosperity' and 'wealth'.

Drawing from multiple religious and cultural origins, Jackson describes the many similarities between the cults of wealth, their close relationship with cults of amulets and professional 'phi' (spirit) media, and traces how these wealth cults symbolically intersect in a wide range of environments and ritual products.

Each cult has its own history, has developed around a certain divine or magical figure, has its own forms of ritual expression and often also has its own shrines and places of prayer and pilgrimage.

Four main categories of wealth cults can be distinguished based on the type of deity or spiritual figure targeted by ritual devotion: cults of Thai kings and other royal personalities; cults of Chinese gods; cults of Hindu gods; and cults of magical monks, both living and dead, from the Thai Theravada tradition. For example, the cult of the Hindu god Ganesh has expanded rapidly since the turn of the century. More and more white-robed lay ascetics called reusi (from the Sanskrit rishi) are now offering spiritual advice for wealth and well-being.

According to Chris Baker in The Bangkok Post, Jackson focuses on four areas:

The first is the worship of gods and historical figures who do not formally belong to Buddhism. For example, in 1956, the Erawan Hotel in Bangkok erected the Brahma Shrine which was converted by worshipers into a second city pillar for the commercial district, and was soon joined by a whole pantheon of Hindu deities in other shopping complexes.

In the 1990s, the equestrian statue of King Chulalongkorn became the center of daily worship.

Soon after, the Chinese Mahayana bodhisattva Kuan Im became popular and her image began appearing in Buddhist temples.

Phra Nang Chamathewi is venerated in Chiang Mai, the first queen of the Hariphunchai (Lanna) kingdom from the 7th century.

The second focus is on monks who have acquired a reputation for supernatural expertise as a result of their ascetic lifestyle. Among them were famous monks of the past, contemporary monks with auspicious names such as 'money', 'silver' or 'Phra Multiply' Luang Phor Khoon, a local monk from rural Korat who promised his followers: "I will make you rich."

The third focus is on amulets, often produced by these magical monks. Over the course of the 20th century, they replaced many other items as they were more convenient for modern clothing and lifestyle. They were first popularized among police and military, but then expanded into a mass market.

The fourth focus is on spirit mediums that contact powerful figures from the past or from the divine world to provide advice and assistance.

Jackson suggests that this explosion occurred in part because the authorities overseeing Buddhism became less vigilant in the late 20th century, and because too often sexual and financial scandals damaged the image of monks.
The affinity between Buddhism and capitalism

Moreover, the development of modern economics, consumerism and especially the media has completely changed the environment for all these practices.

As the 21st century begins, these have continued to proliferate and diversify, spreading into and finding new followers in Thailand and in neighboring East and Southeast Asian countries.

The emphasis on improving happiness and acquiring wealth is not an entirely new feature of local Thai religiosity. The various prosperity cults represent a contemporary, commodified expression of long-standing patterns in Theravada devotionalism. Jackson emphasizes that there is "an elective affinity between Buddhism and capitalist expansion" and that "Theravada Buddhism does not preclude a positive appreciation of the pursuit of wealth, nor does it preclude a positive connection between the pursuit of wealth and the pursuit of salvation".

The results of a survey of Thai values among city dwellers and farmers shows that certain superstitious behaviors such as "fortune telling" and "lucky numbers" are practiced more among Bangkokians than among the rural population. No difference was found in terms of education or training level.

"This casts some doubt on the theory that there is a negative correlation between education and supernatural beliefs and behavior. However, it is a dominant value behavior that is characteristic of the Thai. Moreover, it is a well-known fact that some very powerful people in Thailand have their personal well-known fortune teller," said NIDA researcher Suntaree Komin.

In Thailand, these new and increasingly popular variants of rituals now form a symbolic complex in which originally different sects around Indian gods, Chinese gods, and Thai religious and royal figures have coalesced in commercial spaces and media sites to sacralize the market and wealth production. This complex of cults of wealth, amulets and spiritual mediumship, emerging within popular culture, is supported by all levels of Thai society, including those at the top of economic and political power.

New digital media and social networks have quickly become central features of the expanding field of Thai popular rituals and beliefs. Jackson therefore concludes that 'modern enchantment' emerges from the confluence of three processes: the production of occult economies by neoliberal capitalism, the auratizing effects of technologies of mass mediatization, and the performative power of ritual in religious fields where practice/form takes precedence above the doctrine/content.

References:

Peter A, Jackson (2022), Capitalism Magic Thailand. Modernity with Enchantment, ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore, 381 pp. ISBN: 978-981-4951-09-8. https://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg/publication/7784

Patchanee Malikhao (2017), Culture and Communication in Thailand, Springer, Singapore, 141pp. ISBN:978-981-10-4123-5. https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-981-10-4125-9 [IDN-InDepthNews]

Photo: Decline of Buddhism in Thailand. Source: RELIGION & ETHICS NEWSWEEKLY, PBS.

IDN is the flagship agency of the Non-profit International Press Syndicate.

https://indepthnews.net/the-commercialization-of-thai-buddhism-into-a-modern-prosperity-cult/

May 15, 2023

7 Buddhist monks accused of embezzling more than $5.3 million donated to temple in Thailand

JINTAMAS SAKSORNCHAI
AP
May 11, 2023

BANGKOK (AP) — Seven Buddhist monks are among nine suspects who are being held in pretrial detention after being arrested for allegedly embezzling assets worth about 300 million baht ($8.9 million) from donations received by a temple in Thailand’s northeast, authorities said Thursday.

The Criminal Court for Corruption and Misconduct Cases said the actions of the ringleaders in the case “gravely undermined Buddhism.”

Five monks and a driver were sent to pretrial detention on Thursday, according to a statement from the court in Bangkok. They were arrested at Wat Pa Thammakhiri in Nakhon Ratchasima province when police conducted a raid Tuesday and uncovered property worth about 100 million baht ($2.9 million) allegedly hidden by the suspects.

Cash, jewelry and amulets were found in many spots, including the monks’ private quarters, police said. Some items were buried underground.

The first arrests in the case occurred last Friday, when police took into custody the temple abbot and a famous monk, Kom Kongkaew, who were accused of stealing over 180 million baht ($5.3 million) of the temple’s money.

Kom, his sister, and the abbot were denied bail Monday. The court said that after he was taken into custody, Kom instructed the six suspects arrested this week to hide the valuables that were discovered by police. The court deemed all nine to be flight risks who might tamper with evidence.

Police said the abbot, Wutthima Thaomor, told them that Kom advised the monks to use some of the stolen funds to purchase jewelry.

The abbot, along with Kom and his sister, are accused of taking the donation money by withdrawing cash from the temple’s bank account and handing it over to be deposited in the sister’s bank account, in which police discovered 130 million baht ($3.8 million). Another 51 million baht ($1.5 million) in cash was found at her home.

Some Buddhist temples in Thailand are extremely wealthy because their followers donate large amounts as a way of making religious merit.

https://apnews.com/article/thailand-buddhism-monks-embezzlement-61b7cf3d81315581974b8d2c02358799

Mar 6, 2023

CultNEWS101 Articles: 3/6/2023 (Larry Ray, Documentary, The Family, Australia, Buddhist)


Larry Ray, Documentary, The Family, Australia, Buddhist 


Hulu: Under his Spell: Sarah Lawrence Dad Turned Predator

"The case that horrified the country; a dad moved into his daughter's dorm at Sarah Lawrence College. For about 10 years, Lawrence Ray violated, extorted and sex trafficked her friends and others. See the disturbing recordings and hear from the survivors." Includes comments by Patrick Ryan and Steve Hassan.

"Felicia Rosario and Daniel Barban Levin are featured in the new Hulu documentary STOLEN YOUTH: INSIDE THE CULT AT SARAH LAWRENCE 


The film which is available now for streaming offers striking first-hand interviews with con man Larry Ray's victims and incorporates personal audio tapes and video recordings to tell the story of his grim 10-year influence over a group of young people."

" ... They lived in a mansion. They prayed together. They cooked and ate and did chores together. They worked side by side and shared their earnings and expenses. They cared for one another's children and vacationed together.

Some insiders say it was a cult.

They called it The Family, and a former pizzeria owner and martial arts teacher named Mohan Jarry Ahlowalia was it's unlikely charismatic leader.

For decades, the communal living arrangement seemed perfect. Ideal.

Until allegations of sexual and physical assault, death threats, human trafficking, extortion and gun violations tore the Burlington household apart. The ugly accusations pitted Ahlowalia's followers against each other.

Details of The Family's strange life became evidence in a long, complicated criminal trial that had Ahlowalia fighting for his freedom.

Thirty charges were laid against him. For three years the case meandered through the justice system. Eventually 14 witnesses testified at a trial that took 57 days spread over a year.

In the end, Ahlowalia was found guilty of absolutely nothing.

The judge eviscerated the Crown's case.

Key witnesses, she said, were discreditable at best. At worst, some may have colluded to frame their former leader.

The judge even suspected guns were planted in Ahlowalia's bedroom and car.

"This case turns on the credibility of the witnesses," Ontario Court Justice Jaki Freeman wrote in her judgment.

The Family, a seeming hub of nurture and love, had turned on itself."
" ... For the fourth week in a row, a white ex-Catholic Buddhist sits down to teach us about humility. We, a group of six or seven teenagers, roll our eyes at each other. It's 2013, and we've just left the gompa—the shrine room—of a Buddhist center in Raleigh, North Carolina, to attend youth group. The mostly white adult members will stay in the gompa to listen to the teachings of the Nepalese geshe (an advanced title earned by high-level Tibetan Buddhist monks and nuns). A different parent teaches youth group every week, but a surprising percentage of them grew up Catholic and converted to Buddhism in young adulthood.

Being raised Buddhist from birth put me in a unique position among white Americans. I've heard white peers, professors, and Uber drivers praise Buddhism for being the only "unproblematic" religion—Buddhists typically don't proselytize, the religion tends to accept and incorporate scientific discoveries, and there aren't teachings that discriminate against minority groups. But I've come to understand that when Buddhism is filtered through a Christian culture of indoctrination, it can have similarly harmful effects: obsession with purity, victim-blaming, and abuses of power.

A large percentage of American Buddhists are highly educated—among the subscribers of one of the most prominent Buddhist magazines (where I used to work), 42 percent have master's degrees and 15 percent have doctorates; 77 percent have at least a bachelor's degree. Yet, when I was growing up, it became a running joke among my fellow youth-group teens that nobody could seem to put together a curriculum. We kept repeating topics, and apparently many parents thought the lesson we most needed to learn—this group of soft-spoken kids, half of us homeschooled and all on the outskirts of popularity—was humility. These parents' model of humility, however, taught us more about deferring to authority than it did about not being cocky. Most of our conversations circled around the importance of not thinking we knew better than those around us, and how the people who hurt us were actually suffering just as much—or more—than we were. These lessons solidified in me a pattern of acquiescing to people who held power over me that followed me far into young adulthood.

During my elementary-school years, Tibetan monks lived with my family. My parents hosted them in part because offering alms to monks is one of the strongest ways to generate positive karma. Buddhists believe that the intentions behind every thought and action produce karmic "seeds" that later manifest as suffering or the absence of suffering. When, in the face of suffering, you act with intentions that balance compassion and wisdom, you purify the karmic seed so that it no longer affects your present and future circumstances. Once your karma is neutralized, so to speak, you may achieve enlightenment.

The monk who stayed with my family the longest—a few years—became integrated into my family's life. He woke up with us on weekends so my parents could sleep in, came to my and my sister's school events, and prayed in Sanskrit before every family dinner. He also really liked kissing me and my sister on the mouth, even though we would shriek and run and push him away whenever he tried.

We even had a kissing game: When the monk and my mom made thentuk (a Tibetan soup), they'd make one noodle longer than the others. If you got what became known as "the big noodle," you got to choose whoever you wanted to kiss and they had to let you.

I don't fully blame my parents for letting this happen. People commonly view religious figures—especially those who have taken a vow of chastity—as more "pure" than laypeople. (We've seen it play out with Catholic priests.) That the monk was Asian, had grown up in a monastery in India, and wore his maroon-and-gold robes every day contributed to this."

News, Education, Intervention, Recovery


CultEducationEvents.com

CultMediation.com   

Intervention101.com to help families and friends understand and effectively respond to the complexity of a loved one's cult involvement.

CultRecovery101.com assists group members and their families make the sometimes difficult transition from coercion to renewed individual choice.

CultNEWS101.com news, links, resources.

Facebook

Flipboard

Twitter

Instagram

Cults101.org resources about cults, cultic groups, abusive relationships, movements, religions, political organizations and related topics.


Selection of articles for CultNEWS101 does not mean that Patrick Ryan or Joseph Kelly agree with the content. We provide information from many points of view in order to promote dialogue.


Please forward articles that you think we should add to cultintervention@gmail.com.


Feb 25, 2023

I Was Raised by American Buddhists. Here’s Why I Left. (Slate)

The story of an unusual apostasy.

EMILY DEMAIONEWTON
Slate
February 21, 2023


For the fourth week in a row, a white ex-Catholic Buddhist sits down to teach us about humility. We, a group of six or seven teenagers, roll our eyes at each other. It's 2013, and we've just left the gompa—the shrine room—of a Buddhist center in Raleigh, North Carolina, to attend youth group. The mostly white adult members will stay in the gompa to listen to the teachings of the Nepalese geshe (an advanced title earned by high-level Tibetan Buddhist monks and nuns). A different parent teaches youth group every week, but a surprising percentage of them grew up Catholic and converted to Buddhism in young adulthood.

Being raised Buddhist from birth put me in a unique position among white Americans. I've heard white peers, professors, and Uber drivers praise Buddhism for being the only "unproblematic" religion—Buddhists typically don't proselytize, the religion tends to accept and incorporate scientific discoveries, and there aren't teachings that discriminate against minority groups. But I've come to understand that when Buddhism is filtered through a Christian culture of indoctrination, it can have similarly harmful effects: obsession with purity, victim-blaming, and abuses of power.

A large percentage of American Buddhists are highly educated—among the subscribers of one of the most prominent Buddhist magazines (where I used to work), 42 percent have master's degrees and 15 percent have doctorates; 77 percent have at least a bachelor's degree. Yet, when I was growing up, it became a running joke among my fellow youth-group teens that nobody could seem to put together a curriculum. We kept repeating topics, and apparently many parents thought the lesson we most needed to learn—this group of soft-spoken kids, half of us homeschooled and all on the outskirts of popularity—was humility. These parents' model of humility, however, taught us more about deferring to authority than it did about not being cocky. Most of our conversations circled around the importance of not thinking we knew better than those around us, and how the people who hurt us were actually suffering just as much—or more—than we were. These lessons solidified in me a pattern of acquiescing to people who held power over me that followed me far into young adulthood.

During my elementary-school years, Tibetan monks lived with my family. My parents hosted them in part because offering alms to monks is one of the strongest ways to generate positive karma. Buddhists believe that the intentions behind every thought and action produce karmic "seeds" that later manifest as suffering or the absence of suffering. When, in the face of suffering, you act with intentions that balance compassion and wisdom, you purify the karmic seed so that it no longer affects your present and future circumstances. Once your karma is neutralized, so to speak, you may achieve enlightenment.

The monk who stayed with my family the longest—a few years—became integrated into my family's life. He woke up with us on weekends so my parents could sleep in, came to my and my sister's school events, and prayed in Sanskrit before every family dinner. He also really liked kissing me and my sister on the mouth, even though we would shriek and run and push him away whenever he tried.

We even had a kissing game: When the monk and my mom made thentuk (a Tibetan soup), they'd make one noodle longer than the others. If you got what became known as "the big noodle," you got to choose whoever you wanted to kiss and they had to let you.

I don't fully blame my parents for letting this happen. People commonly view religious figures—especially those who have taken a vow of chastity—as more "pure" than laypeople. (We've seen it play out with Catholic priests.) That the monk was Asian, had grown up in a monastery in India, and wore his maroon-and-gold robes every day contributed to this.

I was only 9 when the monk moved out, but whenever I started to hate him, I remembered what my parents had told me about his childhood. After he was orphaned at age 7, his aunt and uncle had sent him to a monastery. They didn't talk to him about it—officials just showed up in his village one day and took him away in their helicopter. Keeping this in mind, I sculpted my anger into compassion: He behaved the way he did because he was suffering, because he hadn't had a family, I justified.

Many "exvangelicals" (people who have left evangelical churches, often due to disillusionment or trauma) cite purity culture as having been particularly harmful to their development. Although my Buddhist education didn't include teachings about sexual purity, the concept of purity kept a tight hold on my mind, in the form of purifying karma.

Starting in middle school, I became obsessed with how purification worked. When I had headaches, I resisted the urge to take Advil and sat with my suffering instead. What would happen to the karmic seed that had caused the headache if I relieved my pain? What suffering would I then have to endure in the future? My ever-present drive toward karmic purity also kept me involved in relationships I should have ended and led me to condone more of my own suffering than necessary.

In high school, one of my friends began sending me verbally and emotionally abusive text messages whenever I wasn't immediately available to respond to her. I showed the messages to my parents, confused about what I had done to warrant such terrible treatment. "You must have hurt her in a past life," my parents told me. Every connection is karmic, they explained. Everything that happens in this realm is cause and effect. I came to believe that my friend and I had encountered each other during this lifetime because of negative energy we'd created in the past, and I believed that if I didn't resolve the relationship, we'd alternately hurt each other in following lifetimes. But if I could successfully heal our relationship, it would purify my karma, and I would suffer less in the long run.

Buddhist scholars and teachers continuously debate the best way to translate karma. Most agree that it can't be directly translated into English, but two common definitions are "action" and "cause and effect." When I was growing up, my parents and youth-group leaders emphasized that it did not imply predestination; we could choose what to do with the suffering we encountered. So when I got a headache, I didn't take Advil. When my friend disparaged me, I responded calmly for months, until she blamed a suicide attempt on me. At that point, the situation had become too intense to handle on my own, and I just wanted an adult to tell me what to do. At the advice of a school guidance counselor, I blocked her number, but I worried about the ramifications of that act for the rest of the school year.

Buddhism initially came to America with Chinese and Japanese immigrants in the late 1800s, but Westerners began to take interest in practicing Buddhism themselves in the 1950s and '60s. Non-Buddhists might not know that in America, there tends to be a cultural separation between convert Buddhists and heritage Buddhists, who come from a Buddhist culture.

White, convert Buddhist practitioners I encountered loved chanting in Sanskrit and wearing mala beads, and yet in most Buddhist spaces I've been part of (East Coast temples, college groups, and colleagues at the aforementioned Buddhist magazine) the majority group would caveat each mention of reincarnation with "Of course, we believe in it metaphorically." Having been raised Buddhist, with reincarnation explained to me, from birth, as the way the universe worked, I believed in it literally. The ways people rationalized it as metaphorical seemed silly to me. Why didn't they just say they didn't find the religious aspects as helpful to their personal practices?

When I considered this question seriously, I realized how thoroughly Orientalism—the practice of exoticizing and imitating the Eastern world while believing Western society is superior—saturates American Buddhism. For a few years after college when I worked at the magazine, which focused on Buddhism in the West, I had access to Buddhist communities beyond where I lived, and I realized that these patterns extended across the country.

When the magazine first hired me, I looked forward to having a community of Buddhists my age for one of the first times in my life (even the other teens in my youth group had been mostly younger than I was). But as I stayed at the magazine longer, between the website comments, letters to the editor, and Buddhists I met in person, I witnessed dozens of theoretical conversations that ignored the lived experiences of those suffering around us. Articles about racism by people of color spurred online comments accusing the authors of clinging to their "attachment" to race; when disabled people expressed frustration with unsolicited advice, comments called those people judgmental; and women wrote articles and comments describing how they were told they just didn't understand spiritual leaders' teaching methods when they spoke out against abuse. People were constantly using fundamental Buddhist ideas, like non-attachment, to uphold existing power structures that benefited themselves.

An article published in my last month working there became the final drop in the bucket that led me to no longer identify as Buddhist. Bernat Font-Clos wrote on what he called "neo-Early Buddhism," or a new segment of Western convert Buddhists who claim to follow the original teachings of the Buddha. According to his scholarship, however, these neo-Early Buddhists reject many of the Buddha's early teachings because they don't align with Western values. He even mentions the question of reincarnation, and the cognitive dissonance required to follow the Buddha's early teachings without believing in cyclical lifetimes.

After my months of unease with the conversations being had among American Buddhists, Font-Clos had finally articulated my skepticism. The white Americans who taught me Buddhism were choosing to follow the parts of Buddhism they found appealing, while rejecting parts that didn't align with their values. Rather than acknowledging how their Western values affected their understanding of the Buddha's teachings and Buddhist culture, they claimed that their Buddhism was more progressive than other forms.

Working at the magazine brought to my attention how this Orientalism looked on a larger scale. White writers and editors—mostly converts—took their Western interpretations of Buddhism and made sweeping philosophical conclusions about the nature, truth, and values of Buddhism. They took up limited space in Buddhist media. Heritage Buddhists rarely wrote for us, and their perspectives were considered separate, rather than integral, to convert Buddhists' understanding of Buddhism.

At age 25, I left the magazine and disconnected myself from the Buddhist spaces I'd previously inhabited. I haven't yet mentioned to my parents that I am no longer Buddhist. I expect that if they find this article, they'll be pretty upset. Once, when she was a child, my sister asked my parents what they would do if she decided she wanted to be Christian. My mom said that they would have a conversation about it—one that would end with everyone agreeing that Buddhism is the only true religion. (My sister started identifying as atheist around age 12.)

Here and there with my parents, I've pushed back against some of the Buddhist ideas I find problematic, but usually someone ends the conversation before it gets too heated. I'm editing the final draft of this piece while on a family vacation. I told my parents I had to work on an essay, but they didn't ask what about, and I didn't offer the information.

As a child, I would have worried that leaving Buddhism would make me suffer more, since I wouldn't be focused on purifying my karma. But my life has actually been filled with greater ease since leaving. I worry less about whether I am "good" or "bad," and focus more on helping those around me find comfort in this lifetime. Who knows whether or not we will have another?

https://slate.com/human-interest/2023/02/what-it-was-like-to-be-raised-by-american-buddhists.html

Oct 18, 2022

The Buddhist Monk Blogger Tackling Abuse by Gurus

Tenzin Tsagong
Religion Unplugged
October 14, 2022

FRANKFURT, Germany— When I first met Tenzin Peljor over Zoom in March of last year, the 54-year-old German-Buddhist monk had been living in a dorm-sized room at Frankfurt's Tibet House for over a year. Speaking into a microphone screened by a filter, a bespectacled Peljor, dressed in his maroon robes, looked like a professional podcaster.

Behind him hung a Tibetan tapestry on a white wall, near his twin-sized bed blanketed in red and a white bookshelf lined with Buddhist texts. The place had become a refuge for Peljor since his exile from his former Buddhist institution, the Foundation of the Preservation of Mahayana Teachings in 2019.

Peljor runs a popular Buddhist blog, Difficult Issues — Controversies Within Tibetan Buddhism, to address complicated issues in the religion, especially regarding abusive spiritual teachers. In May 2019, Peljor published on his website a petition created by a group of senior nuns. The nuns demanded that FPMT investigate allegations of sexual assault against one of its senior teachers, Dagri Rinpoche.

Shortly after Peljor posted the petition and other reports from FPMT on his blog, rumors spread that Peljor was a spy planted by a rival Buddhist organization. Fellow residents at an FPMT outpost in Tuscany, Italy, where he lived, soon began avoiding the monk. They even refused to sit with or talk to him. He eventually left.

"I'm a type of homeless person who lives here and there," Peljor said.

Peljor's blog has amassed approximately 2 million visits since its 2008 inception, and he isn't the only critic in the Tibetan Buddhist community. There are Buddhist Project Sunshine and Beyond the Temple, two blogs that also share overlooked accounts of physical and sexual abuse in Buddhist communities.

These websites have become especially relevant after the #MeToo movement, as Peljor and others have cautioned readers about the dangers of Tibetan Buddhism's emphasis on guru devotion. According to certain religious interpretations, once initiates take their vows, they must forevermore see their teachers' actions as pure. If students speak or act against their gurus, they could risk Buddhist hell.

A monk but also a muckraker, Peljor has to strike a delicate balance: how to speak critically of the misuse of spiritual power, but also advance his own spiritual path. And it's one he's had to pay a price for — for decades.

Approaches to guru devotion in Tibetan Buddhism

In 1958, a Kalmyk-Mongolian teacher established the first Tibetan Buddhist center in New Jersey. Over a decade later, Tibetan Buddhism attracted a coterie of countercultural figures and artists, even attracting luminaries like Allen Ginsberg. Today, at least 3 million Americans identify as Tibetan Buddhists, almost 1% of the population.

Though controversies around sexual and spiritual abuse aren't unique to Tibetan Buddhism — Zen Buddhist groups have dealt with similar scandals for many years — what makes this branch of Buddhism unique is its emphasis on Tantric Buddhism, which promises followers a speedier but more difficult ascent to enlightenment.

Due to the challenges of the Tantric path, Buddhist texts like the "lam-rim" encourage students to rely on a qualified teacher to guide them on the spiritual path. After carefully choosing gurus with whom they will take vows, students must then see them as buddhas, or enlightened beings, and their every action as pure. Speaking and acting ill toward gurus could otherwise portend a Tantric hell.

Given the spiritual risks of disobeying their gurus and the potential of teachers to abuse their spiritual authority, many Buddhist leaders like the Dalai Lama have argued for a more conservative approach to guru devotion. Others — like FPMT's spiritual director, Lama Zopa — however, have argued for a more literal interpretation.

Following reports of allegations that FPMT teacher Dagri Rinpoche had sexually assaulted his students, the director remained adamant that the accused teacher was a "holy being." And he encouraged Rinpoche's students to "rejoice, no matter what the world says."

In a recent email, a spokesperson at FPMT said that Lama Zopa's statement came out of a concern for the "student-disciple relationship," and followed the "lam-rim" guidelines on guru devotion.

A former victim of a guru's absolute spiritual power, Peljor has criticized such a stance on guru devotion as "black-and-white" and "fanatical."

Peljor's Buddhist origins

Born in Berlin as Michael Jackel, Peljor was raised Catholic, but he said he wasn't religious — until he began reading the "Four Noble Truths" to his ailing father every night.

When he read the 227 vows listed at the end of the book, he'd wonder, "What the hell? How could anyone live these vows?" But Peljor realized that becoming a monk was something he had always desired. "It was a strong thought which never left me," he said.

In 1995, Peljor at 29 spotted a flier advertising a meditation course by the New Kadampa Tradition, a Tibetan-Buddhist organization helmed by Kelsang Gyatso. He was intrigued. He moved into NKT's residential centers, was ordained as a monk and donated whatever money, labor and time he could.

Told that only the teachings of NKT's head guru were pure, Peljor threw out any books he had by the Dalai Lama. Made to believe that any doubt he expressed towards his guru — Kelsang Gyatso, who recently passed away — would harm his chance of attaining enlightenment, Peljor was afraid to diverge from his teacher's path. After five years, Peljor had zero savings, income or friends and little sense of who he was.

By the late 1990s, a U.K.-based organization known as INFORM — Information Network Focus on Religious Movements — that educates the public about minority religions had already begun receiving complaints from former members about NKT. Former followers of the Buddhist organization also reported that leaders were pressuring members to get ordained quickly, threatening the possibility of hell for those who didn't properly follow the teachings, and exploiting volunteers' free labor to aggressively acquire property. NKT was also threatening its critics with libel cases.

In an email, a secretary at NKT wrote that because Peljor was a member of a center in Germany that had separated from the group more than 20 years ago, "he does not have any basis to comment on the NKT."

But Peljor saw otherwise. He likens his five years at the organization to that of a frog being boiled: "the water a little hotter, a little hotter, until the frog doesn't know he is cooked." In 2000, Peljor finally left the group.

Early days of the blog

By 2008, Peljor had more or less healed. He called himself a cult survivor, moved on to a new spiritual teacher and was reordained — this time by the Dalai Lama. With a new name, Peljor experienced a rebirth and eventually joined the Foundation of the Preservation of Mahayana Teachings.

Peljor's trauma from his years at the New Kadampa Tradition motivated him to educate Buddhists against the pitfalls he had fallen into during his prior spiritual path. So, in 2008, he launched a blog. One of the first entries Peljor published was a personal account of his five years at NKT. In response, NKT members called him a "Stasi East German wolf in monk's robe."

Peljor's initial plans for the blog were quite limited; he only wanted to shed light on NKT. But in 2012, when victims accused the founder of Rigpa — another international Tibetan-Buddhist organization — of sexual assault, Peljor expanded the scope of his website.

INFORM Director Suzanne Newcombe said Peljor is an example of how the internet has made it easier for survivors of harmful groups to communicate with each other. To Newcombe and many Buddhists, Peljor's blog is an antidote to the misuse of spiritual power — a way to provide information and community to victims who have been harmed by spiritual teachers and institutions.

Though Peljor doesn't have an official editorial staff, he often relies on a small crew of five writers to operate the blog. They edit each others' works, assist in translations and deliberate on whether a particularly negative comment from a reader should be left on the website.

Having earned a reputation as a trusted voice on Tibetan Buddhism, Peljor rarely has to sleuth for his stories. Because of his wide network, information easily comes his way. For example, an acquaintance recently reached out to Peljor about a paternity test that confirmed that the Karmapa, the leader of the Kagyu school of Tibetan Buddhism, had fathered a child with a woman who had accused him of rape. Peljor did his due diligence and then published an article about the scandal.

A lot of the work Peljor does is to vet scoops and corroborate them. Even when I was interviewing Peljor, the blogger, unprompted, would share chains of emails to verify his story. He did the same when he was being ostracized at FPMT. He constantly updated his writers and friends with what was happening, and in doing so, also sought emotional reassurance.

Joanne Clark, a contributor to the blog and former Rigpa member, recounted how difficult Peljor's period of ostracization at FPMT was. "He's been attacked by every structure that he had from the Tibetan Buddhist community," Clark said. "He doesn't complain … but you can tell it was hard."

Clark admired that despite having every reason to be skeptical and jaded, Peljor remained willfully optimistic and willing to see what was worth preserving in Tibetan-Buddhism — "that he didn't want to throw the baby out with the bath water."

What's next

Peljor's work, though, isn't without its critics. Some Buddhists have accused the blogger of deliberately attempting to break apart the community. Shortly after Peljor's departure from FPMT, the Berlin-based Bodhicharya — where Peljor had been a resident monk and meditation teacher for years — also kicked him out. In members' eyes, he was too much of a troublemaker, more invested in creating drama than following the spiritual path.

In an email, Bodhicharya teacher Ringu Tulku said of Peljor, "He believes in criticizing and saying bad things about almost every Lamas," using the term "lama" for Tibetan spiritual teachers.

Despite these two expulsions, when I first met Peljor, he didn't seem resentful. He was jovial, buoyant, even disarmingly humorous. When he described various accounts of ostracization, and even a lawsuit from another Buddhist group, his instinct was often to laugh it off.

Peljor does, however, admit to a sense of defeat — or at least of fatigue — as if the years of documenting countless controversies have taken a toll.

"I can't do this all my life," he said. But as issues keep sprouting up, as with his latest investigation into the Karmapa's positive paternity test, Peljor realized he couldn't leave — not yet. "If I don't do anything, who will ever do something?" he asked.

While his work has made him unwelcome in some Buddhist institutions, Peljor is wary of calling his work "political" or identifying himself as an activist or journalist.

I wondered if, in denying the politics of his work, Peljor was trying to protect the spiritual integrity of his work — perhaps even dispel the shame he has internalized. He said he can't quite shake the feeling that his work as a blogger goes "against the intuition of what a monk should or shouldn't do." It's as though he believes the two are irreconcilable paths.

Were it up to Peljor, he wouldn't be writing about the "muddy waters" within Tibetan Buddhism. "I never ever wanted to have a website or blog whatsoever," he insisted.

Instead, he would ideally devote his energy to his Buddhist studies and meditation, as well as write inspirational posts that encourage faith, rather than distrust.

That's something Peljor may be able to do more of in his new apartment in Berlin — the first he has owned since 1996 — and where he has been teaching a meditation course. With a group of committed students, Peljor hopes to expand the operation and move it out of his home.

And if there's anything that Peljor could impart to his new students, it's to maintain a healthy sense of him — and other gurus. "There is," as he told me, "no perfect teacher."

Tenzin Tsagong is a Tibetan-American journalist and editorial assistant at Harper's Magazine in New York. She earned an MFA from New York University's Literary Reportage program in 2022.

https://religionunplugged.com/news/2022/10/14/the-buddhist-monk-blogger-tackling-abuse-by-gurus

Jul 15, 2021

CultNEWS101 Articles: 7/14/2021

Lev Tahor, Guatemala, Legal, Abuse, Buddhism, Benjamin Creme, Russia, Legal, Grigory Grabovoi

Jerusalem Post: US, Guatemalan forces raid extremist haredi Lev Tahor cult compound
"US and local Guatemalan police have begun raiding the compound of the extremist ultra-Orthodox (haredi) cult, Lev Tahor, arresting at least three top officials in the cult, Globes reported on Tuesday evening.

Another reporter for Globes reported that cult-members Yoel and Shmuel Weingarten have been arrested.

US and Guatemalan forces have performed several raids on the cult's leaders and members in recent years, mainly for kidnapping and child abuse charges, arresting their leader Yaakov Weinstein last March. In 2019, four members were indicted for kidnapping two children whose mother had taken them, wanting to return the children to Lev Tahor.

The sect has been accused of forcing girls as young as 12 years old into marriages with much older men within the sect."

Medium: The Goodness of a Cult Comes from Those it Abuses
That ideal façade is often built by people trying to survive

"When I report on institutional abuse in yoga and Buddhism I always discover that survivors were stripped of time, security, money, earning potential, educational opportunities, social status, family bonds, bodily autonomy and inner dignity. I hear stories of endless hours of unpaid labour, undertaken with the promise of salvation. I hear from members who were raped by leaders who told them it was for their spiritual good. They describe being silenced by enablers.

These details constitute the cultic crime scene. An organization has exploited its members, and left human wreckage. Their stories can be told, corroborated, fact-checked, and published. Innocent and earnest members of the organization will hope that accountability is possible, so that what they remember being good and wholesome about the organization can be salvaged.

But a bitter irony curdles this desire. So much of what an earnest group member will be nostalgic for — the beautiful singing, the communal meals, the tidy accommodations and lovely gardens — came from the organization's encouragement and exploitation of the skills of those it abused.

This organizational capital isn't limited to songs and salad greens and sandwiches. In many cases, it also informs the core content of the group. In the two cults I survived, it was unpaid cult members who transcribed, edited, published, and distributed all of the cult literature."

Mathew Remski: The Edgelord Lama
"To understand how a worldly and sophisticated 60 year-old Bhutan-born Buddhist lama starts shitposting about #metoo, we need some background and nuance. Dzongsar Khyentse Rinpoche isn't your typical 4chan troll. He's on a mission to defend a global spiritual industry that's crumbling under the weight of its abuse revelations. Somehow, he believes that cloaking the presumption of ancient spiritual superiority in victim-blaming jokes and memes is a good strategy."


Medium: Growing up as a child in Benjamin Creme's Maitreya Cult
"I would like to explain my mother's background to understand why she joined a cult, and why, as her only child, this was my upbringing. My mother was born in 1946 and grew up in a tiny apartment block near the centre of communist Budapest. She and her parents were crowded together in one room, living in poverty. They would argue daily. Her mother beat her physically every day and her father had become chronically ill after my grandmother had been hiding him in a damp cellar so he could avoid the persecution of the Nazis (since he was Jewish). When my mother was only 17, her mother married her off to a French man, so she would be able to leave the communist-controlled country. She lived in great poverty in Paris, barely having enough to eat, and then divorced him. At one point, she moved to London, where she has stayed ever since, eventually marrying my father.

My father was born to a middle-class family with both parents who had fought in World War II. They were also relatively dysfunctional as a family, in that his father was always very cold with his two boys. My father is a good man, but he is 'damaged' in that, in his own words, he is 'unable to feel joy.' My father's mother had become a numbed-out alcoholic since she was in an unhappy marriage (she overcame this in her old age after my grandfather died). For this older generation, divorce was frowned upon, and alcoholism would have been the only escape.

During the cult happy 1970s, it is of no surprise then that my parents, along with the rest of their generation, were desperate to find a better way of life. Some of them were trying to create utopias and communes under the guidance of various charismatic cult leaders. So, when my mother saw Benjamin Crème's advert in the newspaper that 'Maitreya is now in the world', for her, it was a call that spoke to a deep sense of a need to belong and to feel as if there is a purpose for being here. This was felt by many of her generation who joined spiritual cults, as they were searching for something radically different from the war-torn misery of their parent's generation. Looking back had I not known what I know now, and had I been in their shoes, I might have joined in also! Who, I wonder, is not consciously or unconsciously looking for 'belonging' and the love we seem to have lost?

His group was harmless in an outward way, but for me, unfortunately, it was not harmless. It was harmless outwardly in that there was no physical abuse, because I can tell you that Benjamin Creme absolutely believed everything he was saying and his intentions were good towards all groups of people inclusively. He really wanted to help save the world for all people equally. Cults become harmful outwardly when the leader is doing what he is doing for self-interest — and that was not Ben.

Yahoo News: A cult leader was imprisoned in Russia for promising mothers he could resurrect their massacred children. 13 years later, his 'cheat codes for the universe' became a TikTok obsession.
"@kai.metal.billy said he turned a $700 crypto investment into $25,000 within two days. @victoriagross said her dad transferred her more money than expected. @soulfulxistence said she found $20 in her car.

It looked like everyone was getting lucky. But they weren't calling it luck.
Like thousands of TikTokers, they were putting their good fortune down to Grabovoi codes, or Grabovoi numbers - a pseudoscience based around seemingly random strings of numbers.
Some called them "cheat codes for the universe."

The sequences supposedly "create a frequency at the vibratory and energetic level to positively affect situations and structures that are part of our lives," Edilma Angel Moyano, a self-styled Grabovoi follower, said in a 2018 book about the codes. The science behind this is - to say the least - unclear.

There are codes for "unexpected money" (5207418898, per Moyano), good skin (55942833), weight loss (55942833), and even a formula for protection from mosquitoes (55942833 combined with 694713). And yes, there's one for eternal life.

Like many TikTok trends, it's fun, and costs nothing to try. But it's the brainchild of a man with a dark history.
Who is Grigory Grabovoi?

Grigory Grabovoi is a Kazakh faith healer who rose to prominence amid the complex politics of post-Cold War Russia.

Some 17 years before his "codes" became a TikTok trend, Grabovoi and his followers were, prosecutors said, promising grieving mothers he could resurrect their children for a fee of $1,200. (Grabovoi denied charging money, reported Rapsi, a Russian legal news site.)

According to his website, Grabovoi graduated as a mathematician in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, in 1986, and quickly put together a busy résumé. It included selling services in "extrasensory diagnostics" to Uzbekistan's national airline, where he claimed to correctly predict the engineering issues of 360 flights.

This appeared impressive in Boris Yeltsin's Russia. There were press reports of the then-president charging Grabovoi with keeping his plane in the air through telekinesis by the late 1990s, Eduard Kruglyakov, the head of the country's Commission on Pseudoscience, told the Regnum news agency in 2005."


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